Chapter 8 The irreplaceable third age: between family, work and mutual support1

A brief look at the life cycle
Family economics in the latter part of active life
Do we choose the age at which we retire?
Retirement in a family setting
The time for mutual support
A third age is essential to social balance
Bibliography

We all hope to live longer than our parents and grandparents, and that our children will have an even better chance of reaching old age. If they do, what will they do with this extra time, which, given its very nature, will increase opportunities to invest skills and desires in different areas of human activity? This is a new area of debate, which only applies to developed societies where, thanks to medical advances, easier lifestyles and regulated working conditions, the last few decades have seen a gradual emergence of "free" time after age 50 or 60, between the time when the official work years end and real old age sets in, the latter being marked by illnesses and more or less an imposed withdrawal from society. This new period of life is usually referred to as the "third age".

To which group or professional activities will this new and meaningful time be dedicated after the fiftieth and sixtieth years?

For economists and decision-makers who only look at the dreaded imbalance between retirement funds and the growing number of pensioners, the answer is simple and unequivocal: retirees will have to spend at least part of this extra amount of useful life doing productive work, in paid employment. Ageing workers will continue to contribute to growth, postponing the point at which they will start collecting their retirement benefits. Thus, the focus of individual efforts and collective measures must turn to finding ways to work or get people to work longer.

The bitterness and profusion of debates and disputes surrounding this issue in our countries over the past few years have shown us that this proposed solution, which may seem entirely rational or logical in certain circles of thought, is far from being shared unanimously by all of our peers, whether in the arena of current opinion or that of research and university experts. Allocating this or that type of content to the stages of the life cycle affects a number of more or less stable balances in our societies. Indeed, such activities are multidimensional in that they touch on family life, friendships and social activities, civic functions, culture and leisure etc., productive work being only one of many possible components. Every stage of life has its own shade, endured, acquired or won over time, and its place in an individual's development and that of his social environment.

Changing how the second to last stage of life-which is the one that interests us here-is spent can only be done after an analysis of what really happens during that time, especially in the personal and family sphere, and in social interactions. Extending the period of work-related activity could compromise other interests or values that may not necessarily have a monetary value but that do determine social balances which, if they are weakened, will exact a price-sometimes an economic one.

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A brief look at the life cycle

We have become cautious in defining the stages between birth and death, and aware that the age thresholds separating them are neither fixed nor intangible. They are not only directly related to physiological conditions-physical appearance, strength and skills, the age of puberty-which are also slowly but visibly changing over time influenced by living conditions and medical advances, which are now more widely available. But also the passage from one stage of life to another, above all, depends on the social context in which behaviours and commitments play out.

Thus, childhood has come to be seen, as historians (Aries 1973) have shown, as a privileged time of life, normally the focus of attention of all developed societies. However, in some societies the expectations placed on children are increasing, in terms of performance and achievements. Fortunately children are well equipped to protect themselves against these expectations and take the time to mature.

Then comes a long period of study, orientation, efforts to integrate, with all types of attempts and mistakes, as uncertainty about the future increases with demands and aspirations. "Interminable adolescence", the now commonly used term coined by Chamboredon (1985), refers to those who, unable to achieve financial autonomy, are still supported by their parents. This is contrary to the experience of working-class families in the early twentieth century, when young people worked to contribute to the family finances.

The time of first committed relationships and the birth of children is around 30 and, for women, the use of contraceptives helps focus the childbearing years into a relatively short period of time. This is then followed by a period marked by a whole range of investments, especially in terms of family and work activities, but there is a certain withdrawal from social, volunteer and humanitarian activities, civic and religious commitments. The major issue during this period is how to best reconcile work obligations-especially difficult for young adults, particularly the ones who want to build a career-and family obligations-involving building, educating, housing and maintaining. This could be an indication of what lies ahead in the third age if the constraints of working life are prolonged.

The next stage, the third age, may in fact be the one that has generated the most significant shift in the evolution of the life cycle. It has, in a way, replaced part of the previous stage, often as a result of early retirement from work, and replaced part of the last period of life. We are in permanent transition in the division of activities throughout the life cycle. We have not always taken into account the fact that we now have more time ahead of us, as indicated by the unusual recognition of the precocity of skills and talents expected from the youngest ones. And, at the same time, we "lose time" during many of the intermediary stages as we wait and question in anticipation of an uncertain future.

Thus, it is true that the "productive" stage in the professional realm tends to get shorter, clearly the burden being borne by those between the ages of 30 and 50. As the proportion of inactive people increases, it becomes tempting to extend later in life what was lost at the beginning of life, by pushing these youthful older people back to work, as their skills diminish relatively later in life. Thus, the "free time" that follows age 60, the famous third age, may have been but a short-lived gain of the second half of the twentieth century. Yet, the time that was won is a very busy time, not only because nature abhors a vacuum, but because it can be spent doing things, making social contacts, getting involved in community work that is more than a mere hobby. Retiring later will mean depriving not only individuals, but also society as a whole from this potential wealth. It is important to remember what it represents, even if it does not directly translate into monetary costs.

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Family economics in the latter part of active life

In order to understand the circumstances under which retirement occurs for men and women-whether all at once or gradually-it is important to note the specific characteristics that mark the period of life in which it occurs.

First, it is important to remember that from that point on, life as a couple or family, although it is the majority, is still far from being exclusive. There are many people who live alone (mainly women) in this age group. In France, for instance, 12.1% of men and 17.6% of women live alone at age 60; according to Desplanques, old age increasingly consists of a succession of stages and a multiplication of periods made up of different lifestyles because of divorce, death of a spouse or temporary cohabitation (Desplanques 1996). Naturally, the risk of isolation increases over time, either due to the death of a spouse or children moving away from home.

This phenomenon, observed in all western countries, inevitably raises questions about the importance of ensuring that the person who lives alone has enough resources to survive: this is especially true for women. At the risk of solely focussing over the "double retirement" of couples, the "secondary retirement" of women, or spousal benefits, it is important to remember that it is essential that they set aside enough resources during their working lives for their retirement.

Second, the past few decades have seen a shift in the parental part of the life cycle. Certainly, the number of children has fallen, but they come later in life, sometimes with long gaps stemming from reconstituted families. In France, 25% of couples over the age of 60 still have a dependent child and 5% of women have no spouse. The lengthening of the period of education, linked to the strong desire on the part of parents to ensure their children's future success, and the difficulty of getting into the workforce because of difficult economic conditions, tend to amplify this trend of remaining in the family home and being a burden on the family resources. This is a reversal of the past when, especially in large and rural families, children had to start contributing to the family's maintenance from an early age.

Third, the increase in life expectancy has an impact on the family structure: at age 60, and even later, there might still be an elderly parent (usually female) who requires care and services, and sometimes even financial support, a requirement that is often entrenched in law in many of our reference countries as the "maintenance obligation" between generations.

Given the need to contribute for a longer period of time in order to be entitled to a full pension (in the case of pay-as-you-go pension plans), or the need to save throughout one's working life, and when work ends abruptly or involuntarily prematurely-for instance as a result of dismissal or downgrading-couples, families and, of course, single people, often find themselves in situations where needs and resources are out of balance. The family environment, far from providing a safety net often aggravates the situation because of the financial expenses it represents.

Naturally, this last stage of the active life cycle and the conditions under which men and women approach retirement are directly dependent on the circumstances leading up to retirement: the age at which they started work, the couple's level of education, the children's schedules (along with the potential impact on career interruptions or slowdowns), and, above all, the nature of the positions held and earnings received throughout their lives.

This brings us to the later stage of life with a family on which we depend or that depends on us, with debts and capital, the prospect of insufficient resources, and the necessity of settling for the social minimum. The curves and averages that describe the withdrawal from active life sometimes make us forget these realities: social inequalities persist and sometimes increase around retirement.

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Do we choose the age at which we retire?

Like all decisions pertaining to working life, the termination of professional activity involves a trade-off between time and money: getting free time versus increasing or maintaining earnings. The theory of preferences for time or money has been widely debated by economists, particularly with regard to women's work and reduced hours of work (Simiand 1932; Becker 1980). While it is interesting to discuss these trade-offs in terms of how they correspond to an individual's social status, age or living conditions, it is also important to understand the limits within which this apparent freedom to choose may be exercised.

For ideological and political reasons, economic decision-makers may prefer to present these decisions as being entirely at the discretion of those who make them, alone or in consultation with their closest relatives. For those who might be concerned with their image, it might be tempting to believe that they are entirely free to "choose" so they can prove to themselves and to those around them that they have some control over their future and that they are in charge of it.

But it is only too obvious that the game of constraints and pressures clouds and jeopardizes this apparent notion of free choice: for example the termination of professional activity is particularly significant in this regard. As indicated by Szinovacz (2003), the behaviour of workers, both men and women, alone or as couples, clearly shows that the aspiration to recover free time by fully or partly abandoning work-or alternatively, the desire to continue to have an income through work-in fact depends on complex factors that are connected to external circumstances, the ability to do without employment income, and the uses envisaged for the new leisure time.

These constraints are largely exogenous to the family itself and rather come down to pension entitlement (for instance the minimum period of pensionable employment, the age of benefit eligibility, the amount of benefits paid). As well, the desire to continue working beyond a certain age may be more or less realistic depending on labour market conditions or the way in which businesses are run, depending on whether one wants to stay with the same company (assuming no termination, downgrading or preretirement) or whether one chooses to try to find a sufficiently lucrative job later in life, especially for women. Finally, the worker's level of fatigue or resiliency may make it impossible or risky to entertain a vague desire to maintain a sustained level of activity. An abstract description of work termination could hide the fact that the decision taken by the parties themselves essentially depends very little on setting their own age of retirement since they "have no other choice" than that which is imposed on them.

The circumstances that are endogenous to family life may also be a constraint in determining the conditions for terminating work. We previously referred to ongoing financial needs: children to support, a home to finance, a move in the event of retirement etc If the pension benefits that are expected are low, it is important to try to "hold onto a job" longer. Work plans are seldom made in the context of future retirement, whether with regard to career or childbirth; the needs and attraction of consumption override the desire to save-assuming the option ever existed. Should our children have to pay for this lack of foresight or should we congratulate ourselves that our children were able to live out their youth without sacrificing it for a hypothetical future? Likewise, and regardless of the economic requirements, a sick spouse or a dependent requiring care, the increasing difficulty in reconciling work obligations, and those in other spheres or the couple's stability will result in a departure from the work force even at the cost of financial loss.

It appears that the decision to end one's working life is still influenced by stereotypes and practices that guide the behaviours of both sexes. While women are at a disadvantage with regard to pensions-since women's work is undervalued and careers are interrupted-they are often encouraged, if not forced, to leave their jobs before or at the same time as men. Moreover, we know that for historical reasons a number of retirement pension plans, for instance in Switzerland and Germany, continue to set earlier limits for women than for men. The imbalance between the image of men as providers and women in charge of domestic tasks continues to prevail even at the end of a career. While men hold fulfilling jobs reflecting a strong social identity, in a universe of "manly" camaraderie, they are more reluctant to give up that activity i.e. "my work is my life". In a way, they are "one-dimensional", and thus out of sync with their spouses, who adapt more easily to retirement and find other interests to pursue. In any case, they risk being pushed out of the labour market earlier (and being unable to reintegrate). Men, and sometimes even women, marked by customs that still prevail in the generation that is now moving into the third age, will have difficulty accepting that she continues to work while he, as the retiree, should at least behave as "the man at home", in charge of looking after the home.

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Retirement in a family setting

For young adults with children, reconciling a professional and home life presents a difficult personal problem because of the sheer physical, mental and psychological (if not ethical) weight of this double responsibility. As a society, we find it discussed more and more in most countries, even in the European Union.

Is it true that ageing workers are not burdened by this need to reconcile because they no longer have any direct parental responsibility and the "family" aspect is replaced by a career investment? Certainly one of the benefits enjoyed by workers (especially female workers) after age 50 is their availability and stability, which young parents do not have. Employers would be well advised to take this into consideration and make the most of this potential productivity, not only in keeping these experienced and punctual employees in their service, but also in better recognizing their skills as an element that should be taken into account when determining fair remuneration.

However, family commitments (regardless of its composition and stage of evolution) do not end at age 50 or even 60. The period of life between 60 and 75 has its own place in the family cycle, even though it is not as evident, especially when compared to the parental responsibilities of young adults. It might be a simple matter of prolongation when children are slow to reach autonomy; and it is clear that children on the threshold of adulthood demand attention, discussion, support and daily upkeep. But more often, with advancing age, this stage takes on another aspect, an irreplaceable component in the life cycle.

On the one hand, the partners in a couple come face to face with each other once it has taken care of the educational concerns. The couple find themselves having to set up a different marital relationship, one that is more direct given that the children are no longer there to serve as intermediaries, one that is less rushed. It becomes necessary to reinvent a new life together: with maturity. Some couples do not manage to succeed and separate (it is known that the divorce curve peaks around ages 55 to 60); or they settle into mere co-habitation, juxtaposing their individualities and interests. But most manage to invent a new style of life, develop shared activities and recreate a form of intimacy.

On the other hand, we know how important it is to be a grandparent at this stage of life. Not only because it means having to respond to the demands of the next generation in terms of helping them and looking after grandchildren, but also because this responsibility carries a particularly strong emotional charge: good times can be enjoyed without having to shoulder the day-to-day parental responsibilities. Sometimes, this can be an opportunity to make up for the frustrations felt, particularly by fathers, who were too busy with their work responsibilities to see their own children "grow up".

Finally, this is the time to re-balance family links that were often neglected by the obligations of everyday life; giving "mature" adults full rein to establish their roles as network coordinators: intermediaries between generations, transmitters of history.

This stage of the family, which is so important to the social balance, can only be harmoniously achieved if there is a great deal of availability of time and ability. How would it work if these men and women had to continue managing the constraints of work responsibilities, often shared unequally by the couple, let alone the need to balance young children, school schedules and holidays? Will the torment of needing to reconcile incompatible universes continue beyond age 60?

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The time for mutual support

Our generation's expressed desire to preserve solid bonds between generations and with parents is not in doubt; it tends to grow amidst the tensions of a world in turmoil. This is evident from the importance assigned to holidays and gatherings and the intensity of interactions, enhanced by modern and improved communications, and the mutual services they provide (Pitrou 1992). While these bonds may be selective, they often resist marital strains by maintaining relationships with ex-spouses' families (Martin 1997) and, to a certain degree, geographic mobility. The apparent individuality for which today's society is often berated, is in fact less a matter of the desire to break family bonds than to increase autonomy, especially among women, who are no longer legally and economically dependent.

We know that the generation of those between 50 and 65 years of age plays a key role in this network, and in the delivery of mutual services, which are often essential to everyday life (Strobel and Debordeaux 2003). Caught between their children's and grandchildren's demands-and because of longer life expectancy, the needs and demands of the older generation-mature couples often play a key role in keeping families together, especially by providing mutual support through money and services (Attias-Donfut 1995). The key condition for this "generation- sandwich" to play a role is that these men and women remain in good physical condition and retain their availability in terms of time and open-mindedness: these are precisely the two conditions that might be jeopardized by prolonging the working life beyond ages 60 to 65.

If work obligations remain overwhelming at a time when the need for mutual support is more pressing, there is a fear that the accumulation of a heavier workload, family support obligations and personal and marital day-to-day tasks will compound the fatigue that mounts over the years. Or, faced with the unavoidable duty of supporting an ageing parent, individuals quit their jobs prematurely, as often happens, which means losing a good portion of their future pension.

Martin Rein was well justified in stating that a well-designed pension system helps to enhance mutual support in families (Rein and Turner 1997). We are currently caught in the paradox of "social unity" at this turning point between active life and retirement. On the one hand, economic and political decision-makers count on people to pursue their productive lives so they can finance their retirement, but on the other hand when they withdraw their availability to provide mutual support , they rely on families to make up for the cutbacks in public funding for people in need.

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A third age is essential to social balance

According to Bourdelais, "the retirement years have changed a lot. It is important to think of these extra ten to fifteen years as one of humanity's major achievements, and to adapt the structure of society in a new way to manage the stages of life" (Bourdelais 1997).

The "third age", which was initially designed as an apparently artificial and technocratic classification of these new "young seniors", has taken on its own life and meaning in the life cycle and in the social structure. It has proven its usefulness to the marital, family, associative and economic units. Today the "third age" and society alike are confronted with an existential conflict that arises from the pressure to impose an extension of the period of professional activity, by encouragement or by obligation, in the name of financial balance. The assumption is made that productive life is supposed to be the driving force of life-an assumption that is still widely held in the higher social classes, to which it confers status and benefits, mainly through men-and that other sectors of life must be accorded lower priority.

This range of values seems to be increasingly less shared by our European fellow citizens, as shown by recent surveys (see Table 1).

Table 8.1
Scale of values held by respondents in recent surveys in Europe, 1990 and 1999.

The family, along with friends and acquaintances, and leisure, is becoming increasingly important in the aspirations and preoccupations of today's men and women, which is essentially consistent with a society that has seen continuous productivity gains through technical progress. Family links have been preserved, and sometimes even strengthened against the tide, but involvement in civic and community life also takes time and energy. Curiously, investment in volunteer activities seems to be missing from the many discussions on work. Paid work is presented as the only "productive", hence valid, activity, even though we know how important volunteer activity is to bring about social cohesion. Yet, adults between 50 and 70 years of age are the most stable and dynamic agents of communal or informal outreach activities, precisely because they have gained some measure of freedom from work obligations and career issues.

There is no denying that economic constraints justify a change in the distribution of work throughout the working life and among individuals. It might be a good idea to try to find a better balance between the stages of life: young people have been waiting too long in "holding" or precarious jobs, overly heavy burdens placed on the shoulders of adults (30 to 45 years) at a time when family responsibilities are greatest, the premature weeding out of workers (especially women) after age 50 etc. Family and society can only gain from this re-examination of the use of the labor force between ages 25 and 60. Before older workers are asked to prolong their working life, would it not be best to let the third age fulfil its own mission, one that is particularly important in supporting the youngest and most disadvantaged members of society?

According to Bourdelais:

Or, might we add, its availability?

Because what good will rich companies do, with their accumulated benefits and profits, or well-stocked public coffers, if it is at the cost of disintegrated families, a more entrenched "everyone for themselves" mentality and individualism, less time for gatherings and non-monetary social contacts?

The balance between the cycles of life is delicate: it is fundamental in attenuating social inequalities and ensuring a better distribution of roles between the sexes. We might try to change it hoping to correct a pressing problem; but at what social or economic cost for the future? Researchers and decision-makers cannot afford to ignore these questions.

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Bibliography

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Attias-Donfut, C. (ed.). 1995. Les solidarités entre générations Vieillesse, famille, Etat. Paris. Nathan.

Becker, G.S. 1988. "Family Economics and Macro Behavior." American Economic Review. 78, 1.

Bourdelais, P. 1997. "Les nouveaux visages du vieillissement de la population française." Lien Social et Politiques. 38.

Bréchon, P. and J.F. Tchernia. 2002. "Les enquêtes sur les valeurs des Européens." Futuribles. 277, juillet à août.

Chamboredon, J.C. 1985. Adolescence terminée, adolescence interminable. Paris. Presses Universitaires de France.

Desplanques, G. 1996. "La situation familiale des personnes âgées." Données Sociales. Paris. Institut National de la Statistique.

Martin, C. 1997. L'après-divorce. Lien familial et vulnérabilité. Presses Universitaires de Rennes.

Pitrou, A. 1992. Les solidarités familiales. Paris. Privat-Dunod.

Rein, M. and J. Turner. 1997. "Travail, famille, État et marché: les sources de revenu en fin de carrière." Lien Social et Politiques. 38.

Simiand, F. 1932. Le salaire, l'évolution sociale et la monnaie. Paris. Alcan.

Strobel, P. and D. Debordeaux (ed.). 2003. Les solidarités familiales en question. Paris. Libraire Générale de Jurisprudence et de Droit (LGJD).

Szinovacz, E. 2003. La famille et la retraite. Paper presented at the Symposium on New Issues in Retirement. Statistics Canada, Ottawa. 5 to 6 September.

Note

1. This text is a translation of the original French version.