Section 1: Profile of Canadian adults who experienced childhood maltreatment Section 1: Profile of Canadian adults who experienced childhood maltreatment

by Marta Burczycka

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Child maltreatment has been identified by some experts as a global public health concern, associated with numerous negative short and long term outcomes for victims as they move through life (United Nations 2006). The negative outcomes of childhood maltreatment are varied and can include poor school performance, delinquency, poor physical and mental health outcomes as well as experiencing further victimization in adulthood (Afifi et al. 2012; Afifi et al. 2014; Afifi et al. 2016; Perreault 2015).

Creating a measure of child maltreatment presents various challenges. Measures based on police-reported data are limited to those incidents that come to the attention of police. Crimes against children may be especially under-reported to police, as children may be unaware of the criminal nature of the acts that they are experiencing, be fearful of the consequences of reporting them to the police, and lack the social supports to make reporting to police seem viable (Finkelhor 2008; Cotter and Beaupré 2014). Conversely, other data sources may be constrained by ethical considerations, which limit the extent to which researchers can gather information on child abuse directly from the children who experience it.

Retrospective reporting of child abuse—that is, adults reporting on their experiences of abuse during their childhood—may address such limitations. In Canada, the 2014 General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) for the first time included a series of retrospective questions wherein respondents aged 15 and older were asked to report on their experiences of maltreatment during childhood. These questions enable investigation into the nature of child maltreatment in Canada as well as its impact.

Research in the field of childhood maltreatment has identified concerns as to the reliability of retrospective reporting.^{Note 1} Asking adults to report on situations that they may have experienced many years earlier can introduce errors of recollection into survey data. However, there is strong evidence to suggest that while recollection errors may indeed impact studies, the effect is more likely to be one of under-reporting (false negatives), as opposed to over-reporting (false positives) (Fergusson et al. 2000). Other studies suggest that recollection errors are fairly consistent between abuse types and victims’ sex (Melchert and Parker 1997; Epstein and Bottoms 2002). In this context, child maltreatment data from the 2014 GSS can be seen as a conservative estimate of the extent of child abuse in Canada.

Data from the 2014 GSS allows for analysis of Canadians’ experiences of victimization during childhood before age 15, as well as their later experiences with victimization, justice system involvement, community belonging and other aspects of adult life. An examination of broader demographic characteristics (e.g. gender, Aboriginal identity) can help identify who is most at risk for child maltreatment, allowing for more tailored intervention strategies; they can also provide insight into the complex sets of experiences marginalized adults may have in their personal histories, opening the door to more nuanced approaches to treatment and support. Analysis of childhood maltreatment may also help those involved in both policy and social service delivery to address the cycle of violence.

Defining child maltreatment

Globally, definitions of what constitutes child maltreatment vary in scope. The World Health Organization defines child maltreatment as:

“abuse and neglect that occurs to children under 18 years of age [and] includes all types of physical and/or emotional ill-treatment, sexual abuse, neglect, negligence and commercial or other exploitation[.] Exposure to intimate partner violence is also sometimes included as a form of child maltreatment” (World Health Organization 2010).

The 2014 GSS asked respondents about their experiences with three forms of childhood maltreatment. First, respondents were asked whether they had been the victim of a physical assault by an adult before they turned 15 years of age—that is, whether they had been slapped, hit, hit with something, pushed, grabbed, shoved, kicked, bitten, punched, choked, burned or otherwise physically attacked by an adult (a person aged 18 years or older).^{Note 2}

Second, respondents were asked if they had been sexually assaulted before age 15—that is, whether an adult had forced them, or attempted to force them, into sexual activity by holding them down, threatening or hurting them in some way, and whether they had been touched in a sexual way by an adult against their will (including anything from unwanted touching or grabbing to kissing or fondling).

Third, respondents were asked about witnessing violence: whether or not they had seen or heard their parents, step-parents or guardians hit one another or another adult in the home.^{Note 3} Considerable research indicates that witnessing violence can have similar negative impacts as physical or sexual abuse during childhood (for example, see Wolfe et al. 2003). Many in the fields of child protection research and prevention consider exposure to intimate partner violence through witnessing parental abuse to be a warning sign that a child might themselves be a victim of violence (Edleson 1999; Osofsky 2003). In Canada, most provinces and territories include witnessing violence as grounds for intervention under provincial/territorial child protection legislation.^{Note 4} Findings in the present report suggest that many victims both witnessed violence and were subject to physical and/or sexual violence as children.

Three in ten Canadians report maltreatment during childhood

In this report, childhood maltreatment is defined as physical or sexual abuse by an adult or witnessing violence by a parent or guardian against another adult in the home before age 15. According to the 2014 GSS, one-third (33%) of Canadians aged 15 and older reported having experienced at least one of these types of maltreatment as children, equivalent to almost 10 million people (Table 1.1).

Overall, childhood maltreatment was reported by males (35%) more often than females (31%). This finding mirrors previous North American research, which has consistently shown that males are at a greater overall risk for child maltreatment (Finkelhor and Dziuba-Leatherman 1994; Finkelhor et al. 2013).

Physical abuse during childhood is the most common form of child maltreatment, with one-quarter (26%) of Canadians reporting having been physically abused during childhood. Males reported this type of abuse more often than females (31% versus 22%).

Childhood sexual abuse was reported by 8% of Canadians. Females were much more likely to report this type of child maltreatment, with proportions three times greater than among males (12% versus 4%) (Chart 1.1).

Of all victims of childhood physical and/or sexual violence, 16% reported that they had been subjected to both types of abuse during childhood. Female victims were three times as likely as males to report having suffered both kinds of victimization (24% of female victims compared to 8% of male victims).

Children who witness violence by a parent or guardian also typically victims of physical, sexual abuse

One-tenth of Canadians (10%) stated that they had witnessed violence by a parent or guardian against another adult in the home. Men and women were equally likely to have experienced this kind of maltreatment during their childhood. The majority of adults who witnessed violence as children—7 in 10 (70%)—also reported having been a victim of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse (Chart 1.2).

While research has linked children’s witnessing of abuse to many negative outcomes, such as depression, behavioural problems, post-traumatic stress disorder and others, it has also suggested that negative effects are compounded when a child is both a witness to violence between adults and a victim of abuse (for example, see Nixon et al. 2007). Understanding that children who witness abuse are often abuse victims can also inform police practices when responding to intimate partner violence, such as the development of procedures for reporting violence between adults to local child protection services (Dudley 2015).

Physical abuse by a parent reported alongside witnessing parental violence against others

Among child witnesses who had themselves been physically abused as children, almost three-quarters (73%) stated that their parent or step-parent had been the one responsible for the most severe incident of childhood physical abuse. In contrast, those who had not witnessed their parent or guardian be violent towards another adult were less likely to report that a parent or guardian had been the one who had physically abused them (in the most serious incident) (58%).

Results from the 2014 GSS show that those who witnessed violence by a parent or guardian against another adult were also more likely to have experienced the most severe forms of both physical and sexual abuse. Specifically, the most severe forms of physical abuse—having been kicked, bitten, punched, choked, burned or otherwise attacked—were experienced by significantly more victims who had also witnessed parental violence (44%, compared to 20% of victims who had not witnessed violence).

Similarly, victims of childhood sexual abuse who also witnessed parental violence against another adult more often reported the most severe forms of childhood sexual abuse, compared to those victims who had not witnessed parental violence. Among childhood sexual abuse victims, 64% of those who had also witnessed violence by a parent or guardian reported having been forced into unwanted sexual activity by being threatened, held down or hurt, compared to 49% of child sexual abuse victims who had not witnessed parental violence.

One in seven victims report frequent instances of abuse during childhood

For each type of childhood maltreatment measured through the GSS, respondents were asked to indicate the range of times each type of abuse occurred: once or twice, three to five times, six to ten times, or 11 times or more. The resulting ranges were grouped so that the overall frequencies of instances of abuse can be analyzed.^{Note 5} According to the 2014 GSS, 15% of Canadians aged 15 and older who reported that they had been physically and/or sexually abused as children indicated that they had suffered at least 22 instances of abuse before they turned 15.^{Note 6} Females were somewhat more likely to report this higher frequency of abuse than males (16% versus 14%).

One-fifth (20%) of victims reported between 7 and 21 incidents, with slightly more males than females falling into this range (21% versus 19%). The majority of victims reported that they had experienced between one and six instances (65%), with no significant difference between males and females (Table 1.2).

Males almost twice as likely as females to report most severe childhood physical abuse

Of the three different types of childhood physical abuse measured by the GSS, having been slapped or hit with something hard enough to have been hurt was the kind most often reported (23% of Canadians). As with childhood physical abuse overall, males were more likely than females to report having suffered this type of violence (27% versus 19%) (Chart 1.3).

The second most frequently-reported type of childhood physical abuse was having been pushed, grabbed, or shoved by an adult (15% of Canadians). Again, males (18%) were more likely than females (13%) to report having experienced this as a child.

The most severe forms of childhood physical abuse, including having been kicked, bitten, punched, choked, burned or otherwise attacked, were reported by 7% of Canadians. Males (9%) were almost twice as likely as females (5%) to report having experienced this category of violence.

Most childhood physical abuse committed by parents, step-parents

For six in ten (61%) victims of childhood physical violence, a parent or step-parent was identified as the abuser in the most serious incident of abuse. While this held true for both male and female victims, a parent or step-parent was significantly more likely to be involved in incidents involving females (71%, compared to 54% of male victims). Female victims were also more likely to identify another adult family member, such as an adult sibling or a grandparent, as the perpetrator of the most serious incident of physical abuse (11% versus 8% of male victims) (Table 1.3).

Males more likely than females to be physically abused by people outside the family

Childhood physical abuse by a person outside of the family was more common for males than for females. In particular, male victims were more than three times more likely to indicate that a teacher, tutor or professor had been responsible for the most serious incident they experienced (14%),^{Note 7} compared to 4% of female victims. It was also more common for males to report that the most serious incident of physical abuse had been committed by an adult aged 18 or older who was a friend, current or former boyfriend or girlfriend, acquaintance, neighbour or classmate (10% of male victims versus 6% of females) or by a stranger (7% versus 2%) (Table 1.3).^{Note 8}

Victims who reported that an adult relative was responsible for the most severe instance of childhood physical abuse were also more likely to report higher frequencies of abuse. Specifically, 16% of those that had been physically abused by an adult family member reported that they had suffered at least 22 separate instances of abuse.^{Note 9} In comparison, 9% of those who said that an unrelated adult was responsible for the most serious act of physical abuse indicated that the abuse had occurred a minimum of 22 times. These proportions were similar among male and female victims.

Females three times more likely than males to experience childhood sexual abuse

According to the 2014 GSS, almost one in ten (8%) Canadians reported that before age 15 they were the victim of sexual abuse by an adult, including being touched, grabbed, kissed or fondled in a sexual way as well as being forced into unwanted sexual activity by being threatened, held down or hurt. Females were three times more likely than males to report having been victimized sexually before the age of 15 (12% versus 4%) (Table 1.1).

The most severe form of childhood sexual abuse—being forced into unwanted sexual activity by being threatened, held down or hurt—was reported by 4% of Canadians. As with childhood sexual abuse overall, females were three times more likely than males to report having experienced this kind of victimization (6% compared to 2%, respectively). Being touched, grabbed, kissed or fondled in a sexual way by an adult before age 15 was reported by 7% of Canadians. More than one in ten females (11%) reported having been abused this way as a child, along with 4% of males (Chart 1.4).

When it came to childhood sexual abuse, most victims (80%) reported that the abuse had occurred between one and six times. Frequencies of 7 to 21 instances and 22 instances or more were each reported by 10% of victims. Overall, females were more likely to report higher frequencies of sexual abuse and less likely to report lower frequencies (Table 1.2).^{Note 10}

Childhood sexual abuse most often perpetrated by an adult outside of the family

In contrast to childhood physical abuse, about six in ten victims of childhood sexual abuse indicated that the most serious incident of abuse that they suffered had been committed by an adult outside of their family. A contrast was found, however, between male and female victims. More than four out of five male victims of sexual abuse before age 15 reported that an adult non-family member was responsible for the abuse. This proportion was considerably smaller among female victims (54%) (Table 1.3).

Most often, when asked about the most serious incident of sexual abuse endured as children, male victims reported that the abuse had been committed by a stranger (35%). Females reported victimization by strangers about half as often (16%). Males were proportionally five times more likely to have been abused by a teacher, tutor or professor (15%) than females (3%).

Females more likely than males to be sexually abused by adult family members

According to police-reported statistics on family violence, between 2009 and 2014 rates of family-perpetrated sexual assaults against female children and youth were consistently more than four times higher than those against males (Ibrahim and Karam 2016). These findings are supported by self-reported data collected by the GSS. According to the 2014 GSS, female victims of childhood sexual abuse were much more likely to have been victimized by a family member than male victims, when asked about the most serious incident perpetrated by an adult that they had experienced (44% of female victims compared to 16% of males).

In particular, females most often indicated that the abuser had been an adult non-parental family member such as grandparent, sibling or other relation (31%). A smaller proportion reported sexual abuse by a parent or step-parent (14%). In contrast, fewer male victims were abused by non-parental family members (13%) or parents or step-parents (4%^E) (Chart 1.5).

As with physical abuse, victims reporting that a family member was responsible for the most serious incident of childhood sexual abuse were more likely to report higher frequencies of abuse. Among those who said a relative had committed the most serious incident of sexual abuse that they had suffered as a child, 18% reported a minimum of 22 separate instances.^{Note 11} This compares to those who reported that a non-relative was responsible for the most serious incident, among whom 4%^E reported experiencing at least 22 instances of sexual abuse. These differences reflect the experiences of female victims, as no significant differences were found between males abused by a relative and males abused by a non-relative when it came to the minimum frequency of abuse.

Few victims spoke to police or child protection services about abuse

While previous Canadian studies have recognized the large volume of child abuse and neglect cases investigated by child protection services (Public Health Agency of Canada 2010), researchers in the field of child maltreatment have long cautioned that the physical and sexual abuse of children is underreported to authorities (Finkelhor et al. 2001). Children may be afraid or unable to contact authorities, may have limited social supports, and may not understand that some of the things happening to them are criminal (United Nations 2006; Ogrodnik 2010; Kuoppamäki et al. 2011). Further, research has shown that incidents of childhood sexual abuse in particular are more often unreported until adulthood, compared with other types of police-reported crime (Cotter and Beaupré 2014).

Consistent with findings from other studies, results from the 2014 GSS show that the vast majority of childhood physical and sexual abuse experienced by Canadians aged 15 and older before they turned 15 went unreported to authorities.^{Note 12} Among those who experienced physical and/or sexual violence as a child, 93% indicated that before they turned 15 they had not seen nor spoken to either the police or child protection services about the abuse. Specifically, 1 in 20 (5%) victims spoke to or saw police about the abuse, and 3% spoke to or saw someone from child protection services. Females were more likely than males to report both having had contact with the police (7% versus 4%) and/or speaking to child protection services (4% versus 2%^E) about the abuse.

About one in six (16%) victims who experienced both childhood physical and sexual abuse spoke to police or child protection services. In comparison, victims who had experienced one type of abuse exclusively were less likely to have spoken to authorities. Less than one in ten (9%) victims who experienced exclusively sexual abuse and 4% of victims of exclusively physical abuse spoke to police or child protection services before they turned 15.^{Note 13}

Victims who had experienced the most severe forms of physical and/or sexual abuse were more likely to have spoken to police or child protection services before they turned 15.^{Note 14} For instance, 19% of those who had been forced into unwanted sexual activity by an adult who had held them down, threatened them or otherwise hurt them, had spoken to authorities. In comparison, 7% of victims who had been slapped on the face, head or ears or hit with something hard enough to hurt by an adult reported having spoken to police or child protection services.

Having spoken to authorities about the abuse they were experiencing was more common among victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse who had also witnessed parental violence. More than one in ten (11%) victims who also witnessed a parent or guardian commit violence against another adult in the home indicated that they had spoken to police or child protection services before they turned 15. This was almost twice as many as among those who had been abused as children, but who had not witnessed parental violence (6%).

Victims of multiple instances of child abuse more likely to turn to authorities

Having spoken to police or child protection services about the abuse was more common among those victims who reported higher frequencies of abuse. Overall, in the provinces, 7% of victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse reported having spoken to police or child protection services before age 15. Among those who experienced a minimum of 22 instances of abuse, however, the proportion who spoke to authorities was more than double (16%)^{Note 15} (Chart 1.6).

The relationship between abusers and victims of childhood physical and sexual abuse did not have an impact on the likelihood of victims speaking to police or child protection services about their experiences.

Most child victims did not speak to anyone about abuse

Those who reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were asked if, before age 15, they had spoken with anyone besides police and child protection services about the abuse. Although victims were more likely to have spoken to family or friends, for example, than to police or child protection services, the majority of victims (67%) indicated that they did not speak to any of these more informal sources of help and support. Men were more likely to report that they had not spoken to others about their abuse (72%) than women (62%) (Table 1.4).

Among victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, just under one-quarter (23%) reported speaking to family members about the abuse. Speaking to family members was more common among female abuse victims (26%) than among males (20%). Some victims also spoke with friends about the abuse they were experiencing (10%). Again, females were more likely than males to discuss abuse with their friends (12% versus 9%).

Very few victims spoke with a teacher or a doctor or nurse (2% respectively) or a religious or spiritual advisor (1%^E).

Few victims of child abuse report being in government care

Very few people who were subjected to physical and/or sexual abuse before age 15 reported having been the legal responsibility of the government at some point during their childhood (4%). This proportion was somewhat higher among those who had suffered childhood sexual abuse (7%). Meanwhile, 1% of people who had no history of physical and/or sexual abuse in childhood reported having been in government care.

History of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse more common among Aboriginal people, especially women

In Canada, Aboriginal people are at a higher risk of many forms of victimization compared to the non-Aboriginal population (Boyce 2016). Findings from the 2014 GSS on Victimization suggest that the prevalence of childhood physical and sexual abuse is also higher among Aboriginal people. For successive generations of Aboriginal people, experiences of childhood physical and sexual abuse have been tied to the repercussions of Canada’s residential schools, also known as intergenerational trauma (The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015).

Two out of every five Aboriginal people in Canada (40%) reported having been the victim of physical and/or sexual violence at the hands of an adult before they turned 15. This proportion was significantly higher than that recorded among non-Aboriginal people, among whom 29% reported one or both of these forms of childhood maltreatment (Table 1.5).

Statistically, Aboriginal women (42%) and Aboriginal men (39%) were equally as likely to report having experienced childhood physical and/or sexual abuse. This is notably different from the non-Aboriginal population, where males were more likely than females to have been abused as children.

Differences in childhood victimization were especially pronounced between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal females. More than two in five (42%) Aboriginal women over the age of 15 reported having been physically and/or sexually abused during childhood, compared to 27% of their non-Aboriginal counterparts. Among males, this difference was smaller: 39% among Aboriginal men, compared to 32% among their non-Aboriginal counterparts.

Higher frequency of childhood physical abuse reported among Aboriginal people

Specifically, physical violence during childhood was more prevalent among Aboriginal people (36%, compared to 26% among non-Aboriginal people). Both Aboriginal men and Aboriginal women reported higher proportions of childhood physical abuse than their non-Aboriginal counterparts (37% versus 31% among men, 35% versus 21% among women).

In addition to a higher overall prevalence of childhood physical abuse, Aboriginal people were also more likely to report more instances of childhood physical abuse. Close to three in ten (29%) Aboriginal people reported that they had experienced a minimum of 22 instances of physical abuse as children.^{Note 16} This was more than double the proportion among non-Aboriginal people (14%).

While Aboriginal people were more likely to report having experienced each type of physical child abuse measured by the GSS, they were over twice as likely as non-Aboriginal people to report the most severe forms of physical violence before age 15 (having been kicked, bitten, punched, choked, burned or otherwise attacked)—15% compared to 7% (Chart 1.7).

One in five Aboriginal females experienced childhood sexual abuse

Sexual victimization by an adult before age 15 was more common among Aboriginal people (13%) than non-Aboriginal people (8%). Childhood sexual abuse was most prevalent among Aboriginal females, among whom over one in five reported this kind of abuse (21%, compared to 12% among non-Aboriginal females). As well, more Aboriginal men suffered childhood sexual abuse than their non-Aboriginal counterparts (7%^E versus 4%).

Looking at the most severe form of childhood sexual abuse—being forced into unwanted sexual activity by an adult through being threatened, held down or hurt in some way—the proportions of victims reporting this kind of abuse were larger among Aboriginal people (9%) than non-Aboriginal people (4%). Moreover, the proportion of Aboriginal women who had been victimized in this way was significantly larger than that of non-Aboriginal women (14% compared to 6%) (Chart 1.8). However, no significant difference was detected between proportions of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal men (4% and 2%, respectively). In addition to the severity of childhood sexual abuse, its frequency was similar for Aboriginal people and their non-Aboriginal counterparts.

More Aboriginal people experienced both sexual and physical abuse as children

Experiencing both physical and sexual violence during childhood was more common among Aboriginal people than non-Aboriginal people in Canada. Almost one in ten (9%) Aboriginal people reported having experienced both forms of abuse before they turned 15, a proportion more than double that of non-Aboriginal people (4%). Aboriginal women were more than twice as likely as their non-Aboriginal counterparts to report having suffered both of these forms of violence in childhood (14% versus 6%). Aboriginal men were also more likely to have experienced both physical and sexual abuse than were non-Aboriginal men (5%^E versus 3%).

Looking at the most severe instance of childhood physical abuse that they experienced, most Aboriginal victims (74%) indicated that a family member was the perpetrator. For childhood sexual abuse, 54% of Aboriginal victims implicated someone other than a relative. These proportions were not statistically different from those reported by non-Aboriginal victims.

Aboriginal people were more likely to report that as a child they witnessed violence committed by a parent or guardian against another adult. The likelihood of witnessing this kind of violence was twice as great among Aboriginal people (21%) than non-Aboriginal people (10%). Aboriginal men and women were equally as likely to have witnessed parental violence in their home.

Aboriginal victims of childhood abuse more likely to have spoken to authorities, been in government care

Previous research into victimization among the Aboriginal population in Canada has found that Aboriginal people victimized as adults are less likely than their non-Aboriginal counterparts to have reported their victimization to the police (Boyce 2016). In contrast, data from the 2014 GSS show that when it came to abuse during childhood, it was more common for Aboriginal people^{Note 17} to have spoken with police or child protection services before they turned 15, compared to non-Aboriginal victims. In fact, the proportion of Aboriginal victims who spoke to authorities was almost double that of non-Aboriginal victims: 13%^E compared to 7%, respectively.

Having been in government care was significantly more common among Aboriginal people who had been physically and/or sexually abused before age 15 than among non-Aboriginal victims.^{Note 18} Among Aboriginal victims, 14%^E reported that they had been the legal responsibility of the government at some point during their childhood, compared to 3% of non-Aboriginal victims. The over-representation of Aboriginal children in residential and non-residential government care has been documented by Canadian research based on the 1998 Canadian Incidence Study of Reported Child Maltreatment (Trocmé et al. 2004).

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More childhood physical, sexual abuse reported by people identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual

Significantly higher proportions of people who identified as gay, lesbian or bisexual reported having been physically and/or sexually assaulted before age 15, compared to those identifying as heterosexual. Overall, almost half (48%) of those who identified as gay, lesbian or bisexual indicated that they had suffered physical and/or sexual abuse as a child, while abuse was reported by less than a third (30%) of heterosexual people.^{Note 19} This held true among both male and female victims (52% compared to 33% among males, and 45% compared to 28% among females) (Table 1.5).

Considerably higher proportions of people identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual reported childhood physical abuse (42% compared to 27% of heterosexual people), with both males and females more likely to report having been abused compared to their heterosexual counterparts. When it came to having experienced childhood sexual abuse, the proportion of victims among the gay, lesbian and bisexual population was more than double that of heterosexual people (19% versus 8%). As with physical abuse before age 15, childhood sexual abuse was more common among both male and female gay, lesbian and bisexual people, when compared to heterosexual people of the same gender.

Those identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual were more likely to have spoken to police or child protection services about childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, compared to their heterosexual counterparts (12%^E versus 7%). When it came to the relationship between victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse and the person responsible for the most serious incident, no difference was found between victims identifying as gay, lesbian or bisexual and their heterosexual counterparts.

The higher prevalence of physical and/or sexual abuse before age 15 among gay, lesbian and bisexual people in Canada echoes findings from American studies. In their comprehensive meta-analysis, Friedman et al. (2011) found that sexual minority individuals were more likely to experience childhood physical and/or sexual abuse. Other studies from the U.S. and Canada suggest that gay, lesbian and bisexual youth are at increased risk of violence within their families and communities, rooted largely in the stigmatizing attitudes that are sometimes present in these environments (Saewyc et al. 2006).

Some types of childhood victimization reported less often by immigrants

Overall, immigrants were slightly less likely than non-immigrants to report a history of physical and/or sexual abuse as children (29% versus 30%). When it came to physical abuse specifically, no differences were found between immigrants and non-immigrants. Conversely, immigrants were less likely to report having experienced childhood sexual abuse (6%, compared to 9% of non-immigrants), a difference reflective of immigrant women reporting this kind of abuse less often (8%) than non-immigrant women (13%) (Table 1.5).

Being related to the person responsible for the most serious incident of child abuse was less common among immigrants. Instead, almost a third (32%) indicated that a non-family member was responsible for the most serious incident of physical abuse, compared to 24% of non-immigrant victims. Similarly, almost three-quarters (73%) of immigrant victims of child sexual abuse indicated that someone outside of their family was responsible for the most serious incident, compared to 58% of non-immigrant victims.

Some studies have suggested that cultural norms within some immigrant communities can influence whether or not victims speak out about the abuse they are experiencing (Fontes and Plummer 2010). Others have suggested that some immigrants may be less likely to access government services, such as those associated with child protection and related social services (Menjívar and Salcido 2002). Some newcomers to Canada may not be aware of the services that are available or face language barriers; others may not perceive the abuse that they are experiencing as something that can or should be addressed by authorities.

According to the 2014 GSS, immigrants were less likely to report having spoken to police or to child protection services about the abuse they had suffered during childhood (5%^E) compared to non-immigrant victims (8%). Looking at whether or not immigrants who were victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse spoke to family members, friends, teachers or others about the abuse, no significant differences were found compared to individuals born in Canada.

Prevalence of reported childhood sexual abuse lower among visible minorities

Overall, Canadians who belonged to a visible minority group^{Note 20} were less likely to have been physically and/or sexually victimized in childhood than those who were not a visible minority (27% compared to 31%). As with immigrant populations, this was driven by the fact that visible minority women were less likely than other women to have been victimized (24% versus 28%).

Virtually no difference was found between the two groups when it came to childhood physical abuse, but those within visible minority groups were significantly less likely to report having been sexually victimized as children (5% compared to 9% among those who were not visible minorities). This difference was noted among females (8% among visible minorities, 13% among others) but was less pronounced among males (3% versus 4%).

People who identified as a member of a visible minority group were less likely to report that the person who had physically abused them in the most serious incident was a family member (66%), compared to victims who were not a visible minority (71%). This was also the case for victims of childhood sexual abuse (24%, compared to 39% among those who were not a visible minority).^{Note 21}

No statistically significant differences between visible minorities and others were found with respect to whether victims had spoken to police or child protection services about the abuse they had suffered.

Canadians aged 35 to 64 years most likely to have experienced childhood victimization

The information reported by victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse to the 2014 GSS did not include their specific ages at the time that they were victimized as children. However, victims’ ages at the time that the information was collected (2014) is known. According to the 2014 GSS, a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse was most commonly reported by those between 35 and 64 years of age at the time of the survey. The proportions of people in these age groups who reported a history of abuse ranged from 34% to 36% and were significantly higher than proportions reported by other age groups and by Canadians as a whole (30%) (Chart 1.9).

Violent victimization in adulthood more common among those that experienced child maltreatment

According to the 2014 GSS, Canadians aged 15 and older who reported a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse had a considerably higher prevalence of victimization in the 12 months prior to the survey, compared to those with no history of child abuse. Among those aged 15 and older who had experienced childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, 13% reported that they had suffered some kind of criminal victimization in the previous 12 months—a larger proportion than among those who had not been victimized as children (8%) (Table 1.6).

In particular, the incidence of violent victimization—including crimes such as assault, sexual assault and robbery—during adulthood was more prevalent among victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse. Among child abuse victims, 7% reported that they had experienced violent victimization (as adults) during the preceding 12 months. This was more than double what was reported by people who had not been abused as children (3%).

Specifically, people who reported having suffered physical and/or sexual abuse before age 15 were significantly more likely than non-victims to have experienced assault (5% versus 2%), sexual assault (2% versus 1%) and theft of personal property (6% versus 4%) as adults in the year preceding the survey (Chart 1.10).

The higher likelihood of experiencing all types of victimization as an adult during the previous 12 months was true for males as well as for females who had been physically and/or sexually abused as children. The only exception was among males who had experienced theft or attempted theft, where no statistically significant difference was found between those with a history of child abuse and those with no such history.

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One in ten adults abused during childhood report a mental health limitation

The relationship between physical and/or sexual abuse during childhood and poor mental health later in life is well documented. For example, the 2012 Canadian Community Health Survey on Mental Health—which used questions and survey methodology similar to the 2014 GSS—found that “all types of child abuse were associated with all mental conditions … after adjusting for sociodemographic variables” (Afifi et al. 2014). Findings from the 2014 GSS support this research, showing that one in ten Canadians aged 15 and older (10%) who had experienced physical and/or sexual abuse during childhood reported that they currently have a mental or psychological condition severe enough to limit their daily activities.^{Note 22} In contrast, 4% of those with no history of abuse in childhood reported a limiting mental or psychological condition (Chart 1.11, Table 1.7).

Self-reported mental or psychological disability was more common among both male and female victims of childhood physical and/or sexual victimization. It was especially pronounced among females, of whom 14% of those with a history of child abuse reported a mental or psychological limitation compared to 5% of those with no such history. Among males, 7% of those who had been abused as children reported a mental or psychological disability, versus 3% of those who had not been abused.

People who experience criminal victimization as adults are also more likely to report a mental or psychological disability (Perreault 2015). Those who were victimized as both children and as adults during the previous 12 months were especially likely to report mental or psychological limitations (16% compared to 9% who were victimized as adults but not as children, and 4% among those who had experienced neither type of victimization). Moreover, a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse was associated with a mental or psychological disability regardless of whether experiences of victimization as an adult in the past 12 months were reported: people who did not experience the latter were still over twice as likely to report a mental or psychological disability if they had been subjected to childhood physical and/or sexual abuse (9% versus 4%) (Table 1.8).

Illegal drug use, binge drinking more common among those with history of child abuse

The 2014 GSS asked Canadians about whether or not they used non-prescribed drugs such as cannabis,^{Note 23} cocaine, ecstasy and others during the preceding month. Results indicate that illegal drug use was more prevalent among those with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse (10% of victims) than among those who had not been abused (6% of non-victims) (Table 1.7).

More than twice as many females who had been abused in childhood reported illegal drug use in the previous month, compared to those who had not been abused (7% versus 3%). Among males, 13% of those who had been abused as children reported using drugs in the preceding month, compared to 9% of those who had used drugs but not been abused.

People who had been victimized both as children and as adults (in the previous year) were at a particularly high risk of drug use: more than one in five (22%) victims of both kinds of victimization reported drug use during the preceding month (Table 1.8).

More victims of child abuse reported at least one instance of binge drinking—that is, having five or more alcoholic beverages on the same occasion—in the past month, compared to those with no history of child abuse (28% versus 25%). Differences were found only among females: over one in five (21%) female victims reported binge drinking, compared to 17% of women who had no history of child abuse. Meanwhile, among males, equal proportions of child abuse victims and non-victims reported binge drinking in the previous month (34%). Males were more likely than females to have engaged in binge drinking, regardless of whether or not they had been victimized as children.

One in seven people abused before age 15 report homelessness

People who had been physically and/or sexually abused as children more often reported that at one point in their lives they had been homeless—that is, that they had to live in a shelter, on the street or in an abandoned building, or had to make temporary living arrangements because they had nowhere else to go. About one in seven (15%) child abuse victims reported having been homeless, a proportion more than twice that of those with no history of abuse (6%). Equal proportions of male and female victims of childhood maltreatment reported having experienced homelessness at one point in their lives (Table 1.7).

An increased risk of homelessness was noted among those who experienced physical and/or sexual abuse before age 15, regardless of whether they went on to suffer adult victimization during the preceding 12 months. However, one-quarter (25%) of people who reported victimization as adults during the past year as well as in childhood reported that they had experienced homelessness in their lives. This compares to 13% of people who had been victimized before age 15 but not as adults (Table 1.8).

Adults abused as children report weaker sense of safety, confidence in justice system

A sense of satisfaction with personal safety was slightly weaker among those who had experienced childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, with 86% reporting that they were satisfied or very satisfied compared to 90% of non-victims. Both males and females who had been abused as children expressed a weaker sense of personal safety. Overall, victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse who were also victimized as adults were least likely to report high levels of satisfaction with personal safety (75%) (Table 1.9).

Confidence in the police was lower among those who had experienced childhood physical and/or sexual abuse (89%) than among those who had not been abused as children (92%). Similarly, confidence in the Canadian criminal courts was lower among those who had been victimized in childhood (68%) compared to those that had not (74%). Levels of confidence in police and the courts were lowest among male victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, though female victims also expressed lower confidence than females who had not experienced abuse.

Lower levels of confidence in police and in the courts persisted regardless of whether or not victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse also reported adult victimization in the past 12 months (Table 1.9).

Weaker sense of belonging reported by adults with history of abuse during childhood

Those with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse had a weaker sense of belonging to their local communities, compared to those who had not been abused. About one-quarter (26%) of people who had experienced abuse as a child reported a weak or somewhat weak sense of belonging, compared to 20% of those without a history of child abuse. This held true for male and female victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse (Table 1.7).

Feelings of community belonging were weakest among those who endured victimization as adults in the previous 12 months in addition to childhood victimization: over one-third of those who reported both childhood and adult victimization reported that their feeling of belonging in their community was weak or somewhat weak (34%) (Table 1.9).

Child abuse victims more likely to suffer poor physical health in adulthood

Previous research has shown a link between a history of child abuse and poor physical health later in life (Afifi et al. 2016), and data from the 2014 GSS support these findings. Those with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were less likely than non-victims to report that their physical health was very good or excellent (57% versus 64%) and more likely to report poor physical health (14% versus 9%). While this held true for both males and females, when it came to reporting poor physical health the differences between child abuse victims and non-victims were largest among women (15% compared to 9%) (Table 1.7).

Those who had been victimized as children were more likely to report poor physical health in adulthood whether or not they also experienced criminal victimization as adults (in the year preceding the survey). However, those who had experiences of victimization as both children and adults were the most likely to report poor physical health (18%) (Table 1.8).

Similar marital, educational, employment and income outcomes for those with and without history of child abuse

When it came to some key life outcomes like marital status, education, employment and income, differences between those with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse and those with no such history were detected but minimal.

Overall, people with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were more likely to report being in a current marriage or common-law union, compared to people with no history of child abuse (64% versus 60%), and they were also less likely to be single (25% versus 30%) (Table 1.7).

Educational attainment was also fairly similar for those who reported having experienced physical and/or sexual abuse as a child and for those with no such history of abuse. Slightly higher proportions of those who had been abused reported having a bachelor’s degree or higher (27% versus 26%), and fewer reported having a high school degree or less (38% versus 43% of non-victims) (Table 1.7).

As with marital status and educational attainment, differences in employment status among those with a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse compared to those with no such history were fairly limited. Larger proportions of those who had been abused reported employment as their main activity during the past 12 months (62% versus 55%), and fewer reported being a student (9% versus 14%). Relatedly, more people who reported a history of child abuse also reported personal incomes falling into higher brackets, and fewer reported lower personal incomes (Table 1.7).

While these findings suggest some differences in the marital, educational, employment and income outcomes between those with and without a history of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, the effect of age should be considered since data suggest some age groups in Canada have a higher prevalence of childhood victimization.

To see if the relative outcomes of those who did and did not report a history of child abuse held regardless of age, the age distribution of the non-abused population was adjusted to match that of the abused population, which is somewhat younger.^{Note 24} The resulting findings show that education, employment and income levels reported by those that had and had not been victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were almost identical once age was factored in. When it came to marital status, those who had been abused in childhood were less likely to be in a current marriage or common-law union than those with no such history.

Summary

Self-reported data from the 2014 General Social Survey (GSS) show that child maltreatment—that is, physical and/or sexual violence committed by an adult against a child under 15 years old, as well as witnessing violence committed by a parent or guardian against another adult in the home—affected one-third of Canadians aged 15 years and older (33%).

Physical violence was the most common type of child abuse, reported by over a quarter (26%) of Canadians aged 15 and older. Childhood sexual abuse was reported by just under one in ten people (8%). One in ten (10%) Canadians also reported that before they turned 15, they witnessed violence committed by a parent or guardian against another adult in the home. Most (70%) people who witnessed this type of violence as children were also victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse. For most child witnesses who were also victims of physical abuse, a parent or guardian was the perpetrator of the most serious incident (73%).

Many people experienced severe forms of physical (23%) and sexual (4%) violence as children, and some experienced high frequencies of abuse. A variety of perpetrators were identified by victims, contingent on the victims’ sex and the type of abuse suffered. The overwhelming majority (93%) of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse victims in the provinces indicated that before they turned 15, they had not spoken to police or child protection services about the abuse.

Aboriginal people were more likely to report having experienced childhood physical and/or sexual abuse compared to non-Aboriginal people (40% versus 29%), and Aboriginal women were especially over-represented. When it came to the prevalence and severity of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, statistically significant differences between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people were limited to the population aged 30 and older.

People who had been subjected to childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were more likely to report that as adults aged 15 years or older, they had experienced some sort of criminal victimization in the previous year. This included overall victimization (13% versus 8%) as well as violent victimization (7% versus 3%). After controlling for other factors, victims of child maltreatment were found to be at a higher risk for both spousal and non-spousal violent victimization.

The GSS provides for analysis of various indicators of physical, mental and social well-being, and victims of childhood physical and/or sexual abuse were almost always less likely than non-victims to report positive outcomes according to these measures. In most cases, child abuse victims’ increased likelihood to report poor physical, mental and social well-being persisted regardless of whether or not they had also experienced victimization as adults in the 12 months preceding the survey. However, when it came to key socioeconomic elements such as education, employment and income, few differences were found between people who had experienced abuse as children and those who had not.

Detailed data tables

Table 1.1 Self-reported child maltreatment, by sex, Canada, 2014

Table 1.2 Victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, by minimum frequency of abuse and by sex, Canada, 2014

Table 1.3 Victims of self-reported childhood physical and sexual abuse, by sex and relationship of perpetrator to victim in most serious incident, Canada, 2014

Table 1.4 Informal sources of support sought by victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, by sex, Canada, 2014

Table 1.5 Self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse among select demographic groups, by sex, Canada, 2014

Table 1.6 Most serious self-reported personal victimization during the past 12 months among victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, by sex, 2014

Table 1.7 Characteristics and life outcomes of victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, by sex, Canada, 2014

Table 1.8 Physical and mental health, substance use, arrests and homelessness among victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, Canada, 2014

Table 1.9 Sense of belonging, trust, safety and confidence in the justice system among victims of self-reported childhood physical and/or sexual abuse, Canada, 2014

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Notes

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