Statistics Canada - Government of Canada
Accessibility: General informationSkip all menus and go to content.Home - Statistics Canada logo Skip main menu and go to secondary menu. Français 1 of 5 Contact Us 2 of 5 Help 3 of 5 Search the website 4 of 5 Canada Site 5 of 5
Skip secondary menu and go to the module menu. The Daily 1 of 7
Census 2 of 7
Canadian Statistics 3 of 7 Community Profiles 4 of 7 Our Products and Services 5 of 7 Home 6 of 7
Other Links 7 of 7

Warning View the most recent version.

Archived Content

Information identified as archived is provided for reference, research or recordkeeping purposes. It is not subject to the Government of Canada Web Standards and has not been altered or updated since it was archived. Please "contact us" to request a format other than those available.

Skip module menu and go to content.
Seniors in Canada

A Portrait of Seniors in Canada

89-519-XWE
Main page
Findings
Tables
Charts
More information
References
PDF version


Chapter 4. Supporting and caring in the community

4.1. Living arrangements and family
4.2 Social networks and social isolation
4.3 Providing and receiving help and care
4.4 Organizational involvement and volunteering
4.5 Political participation
4.6 Trust and sense of belonging

Introduction

This chapter is about the various social interactions that seniors have with the people they live with, the members of their social networks, the people in their communities, and with society more generally. Reflecting the reciprocal nature of most social relationships, two facets of these interactions are presented. First, information is presented about the persons and the organizations contributing to seniors' well-being by providing care, companionship and support (which persons and organizations? What type of help? How often they contribute?). Secondly, the various ways in which seniors contribute to the well-being of their families, relatives, friends and communities are also illuminated.

The chapter is divided in six sections. The first one (section 4.1) presents descriptive information about seniors' living arrangements and family statuses. Since the first source of support is often a spouse or a co-resident (whether financial, emotional or informational support), it is important to document how many seniors live alone, how many are widowed and how many are divorced or separated. Section 4.2 extends this discussion and includes the other meaningful social relationships in seniors' lives (friends, neighbours, relatives). The focus is placed on social isolation (how frequent is it?) and its possible consequences for seniors (the relationship between the lack of meaningful social relationships and well-being).

Section 4.3 is about help and care, both provided and received. Everybody needs some help from time to time - to go to the bank, to do some outdoor work, to get a ride to the airport, and so on. However, seniors, especially those who are in poor health or who suffer from a long-term condition, are more likely to need more frequent support and help. This section provides detailed information about the ways in which seniors' social networks (immediate family, friends and relatives), as well as public institutions and organizations, help and support them emotionally or instrumentally. The section also highlights the fact that seniors are themselves important providers of help and care.

In sections 4.4 and 4.5, the focus moves from the private to the public sphere. Seniors, who are mostly retired and who have raised their children, generally have more free time to get involved in all kind of activities which are beneficial for society (volunteering, for example). At the same time, seniors are more likely to be challenged by health problems which can limit their level of social participation. Three types of social and civic engagement are examined in these two sections: organizational involvement, volunteering and giving (both in section 4.4) and political engagement (in section 4.5). Are seniors more or less likely than younger persons to engage in these activities? Is involvement in this type of activity associated with well-being?

Finally, section 4.6 considers various opinions expressed by seniors toward society and their communities. It presents, for instance, the level of trust that seniors express toward the institutions, the residents of their neighbourhoods and the communities they live in. Other attitudinal indicators which have been identified as correlates of health and well-being are also presented in this section, for example the sense of belonging to one's community.

Top of page

4.1. Living arrangements and the family

The type of living arrangements of seniors - if they live alone, with a spouse, with extended family members, in an institution - can have a significant impact on their quality of life. For example, seniors living with a spouse generally have more immediate and easier access to support and care in times of need (sickness, disability, long-term health problem) than seniors living alone. Also, as shown in Chapter 2, seniors who live alone, and particularly senior women, are at greater risk of living in low income. On the other hand, seniors living with their spouse may be disadvantaged if both partners have health problems, or if the burden imposed by the presence of a sick husband or wife becomes too heavy.

This section presents a descriptive profile of the types of households in which seniors live. It also documents the evolution of marital status among seniors over the last decades.

Top of page

Seniors living in institutions

According to the 2001 Census, while the vast majority of seniors aged 65 and over live in private households (93%), the remaining 7% reside in collective dwellings (primarily healthcare institutions such as nursing homes and hospitals). Institutional residency is age-related, increasing from 2% among seniors aged 65 to 74 to 32% among those aged 85 and over.

Since the early 1980s, the rate of institutionalization of seniors has declined. The decline has been particularly significant among seniors aged 85 and over. In 2001, 32% of them were living in institutions, down from 38% in 1981.

Senior women aged 85 and over were significantly more likely than senior men in the same age range to live in institutions due to longer life expectancy of women. In 2001, 35% of women in this population group were living in an institution, compared to less than a quarter of men (23%) (Chart 4.1.1). In younger senior age groups, sex differences were smaller.

Chart 4.1.1 Percentage of seniors living in institutions, by age group and sex, 2001. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.1.1 Percentage of seniors living in institutions, by age group and sex, 2001

Top of page

Seniors living alone or with a spouse

From 1981 to 2001, the largest change in the share of seniors living alone was in the 85 and older age range. More precisely, while 22% of seniors aged 85 and over were living alone in 1981, this was the case for 34% of them in 2001 (Table 4.1.1). In contrast, the proportion of seniors living alone in the 65 to 74 age group (22%) did not vary from 1981 to 2001.

Table 4.1.1 Living arrangements of seniors, by age group, 1981 to 2001. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.1.1 Living arrangements of seniors, by age group, 1981 to 2001

Across all three age groups, a greater proportion of seniors were living with a spouse in 2001 than previously. For example, the percentage increased from 51% to 54% among 65- to 74-year-olds between 1981 and 2001. Men longer life expectancy is one factor which contributed to this increase.

Senior men and women have substantially different living arrangements. In 2001, 43% of senior women in the 75 to 84 age group lived alone, more than twice the proportion of senior men (18%) (Table 4.1.2). The same type of gap existed in the two other age groups.

Table 4.1.2 Living arrangements of seniors, by age group and sex, 2001. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.1.2 Living arrangements of seniors, by age group and sex, 2001

On the other hand, senior men are much more likely to live with a spouse; this was the most common type of living arrangement for senior men aged 85 and over (38%), while it was the least frequent for senior women of the same age (7%).

These gaps between men and women can be explained by the longer life expectancy of women and because men are more likely to marry younger women. Since women have a greater likelihood of being widowed compared to men, they are more likely than men to live alone following the death of a spouse.

Top of page

Marital status of seniors

We now turn to the marital status of seniors living in private households. In the last 20 years, the most important change among seniors, relative to changes among 25- to 54-year-olds, has been in the proportion of individuals who are married or living in a common-law union. In 1981, some 64% of seniors aged 65 to 74 were married or living common-law, compared to 79% of 25- to 54-year-olds (a 15 percentage point gap). In 2001, there was little difference in the proportions of these groups who were married or in common-law unions (68% of 65- to 74 year olds and 71% of 25- to 54-year-olds).

Parallel to the narrowing gap between the proportion of seniors and younger persons who were married, there was an increasing gap between those who had never been married. In 2001, only 5% of all seniors had never been married, compared to 8% in 1981. The situation was the opposite in the 25 to 54 age group, in which the proportion of never married increased from 12% to 19% over the same period.

Across the whole age spectrum, there has been a significant increase in the percentage of individuals who are divorced. Among seniors, the proportion of divorced persons tripled between 1981 and 2001 (rising from 1.7 to 5.1%) (Table 4.1.3).

Table 4.1.3 Marital status, by age group, 1981 and 2001. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.1.3 Marital status, by age group, 1981 and 2001

This increase in the proportion of divorced adults was particularly notable among women aged between 55 and 64. In 1981, only 4% of women this age were divorced, compared to 11% in 2001. As a consequence, "divorced" became the second most prevalent marital status, after "married/common-law", for women in that age range.

At the same time that the proportions of the divorced were growing in all age groups, the proportions of widowed were decreasing, particularly among senior women. The most significant change was among senior women aged between 65 and 74. In 1981, 37% of them were widowed while this was the case for 28% of them in 2001.

These changes in the proportion of divorced and widowed among seniors, and particularly among senior women, can have significant implications for their financial situation. A recent study, using Statistics Canada's Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics, has shown that senior women who are divorced are more likely to live in low income than senior women who are widowed (McDonald and Robb, 2004). If this difference between divorced and widowed women continues, it could mean that more senior women will be at risk of low-income in the years ahead.

Top of page

Common-law unions

One of the most important demographic changes of the last 20 years has been the increasingly substantial number of men and women living in common-law unions instead of marrying. Seniors are, however, much less likely than their younger counterparts to be involved in this type of relationship, as the majority of them formed unions when legal marriage was the only socially acceptable choice.

In 2001, 2% of all seniors were in a common-law relationship, compared to some 14% of 25- to 54-year-olds (Chart 4.1.2). If the population is limited to only those individuals who are in an union (either married or common-law), the gap is even wider: almost 1 in 5 individuals in the 25 to 54 age group were living common-law, compared to about only 1 in 30 seniors.

Chart 4.1.2 Persons living with a spouse: percentage living common-law, by age group and living arrangement, 2001. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.1.2 Persons living with a spouse: percentage living common-law, by age group and living arrangement, 2001

As the first wave of baby boomers turns 65 (a generation in which more people lived common-law), the proportion of seniors in common-law unions might increase slightly. In 2004, 6% of all 55- to 64-year-olds were involved in a common-law union.

Reflecting the patterns observed in all age groups, seniors living in Québec and in the territories are more likely to live common-law than those in other provinces (Table 4.1.4). In 2001, among seniors in a union, the proportion of those living common-law was twice as great in Québec than in all other provinces except British Columbia. For instance, 2.5% of Alberta and Ontario seniors in a union were living common-law. In contrast, this was the case for 5.4% of those living in Québec. The proportions were even higher in the Yukon (7.7%) and the Northwest Territories (13.3%).

Table 4.1.4 Population living in common-law, by age group and province, 2001. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.1.4 Population living in common-law, by age group and province, 2001

Top of page

Fertility history and children still living

The next generations of seniors, that is, the baby boomers, have had significantly fewer children than previous generations (Chart 4.1.3). In 2002, more than a third of seniors aged 65 to 74 (35%) had had 4 or more children (still living), compared to only 11% of younger adults aged 45 to 54.

Chart 4.1.3 Number of children ever raised and still living, by age group, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.1.3 Number of children ever raised and still living, by age group, 2002

As will be illustrated in section 4.3, children are important providers of care and support to seniors. The generational differences in the number of children in the family could have consequences for the next generation of seniors, who might have to rely on sources other than children to get support they need in later life.

Top of page

Grandparents

There were an estimated 5.7 million grandparents in  Canada in 2001. Not surprisingly, the likelihood of being a grandparent increases with age. In 2001, nearly 4 in 5 people aged 75 and over were grandparents compared with less than 2 in 3 of those aged 55 to 64 (Chart 4.1.4). Over two-thirds (68%) of grandparents were married, their average age was about 65 and, on average, each had 4.7 grandchildren.

Chart 4.1.4 Percentage who are grandparents, by age group and sex, 2001. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.1.4 Percentage who are grandparents, by age group and sex, 2001

Most grandparents live in separate households from their grandchildren. However, according to the 2001 General Social Survey, nearly 4% of Canadians, or about 930,000 people, lived in multigenerational households; that is, households with at least three generations including grandparents, parents, and grandchildren.

Top of page

Living arrangement and well-being

Although there are many factors are associated with happiness it was found that compared to seniors living with a spouse or with other persons, those living alone are less likely to describe themselves as very happy (Chart 4.1.5). In 2003, more than half of seniors aged between 65 and 74 and living with their spouse described themselves as very happy (53%), compared to 39% of those living alone, and 37% of seniors in other types of living arrangements.

Chart 4.1.5 Percentage of seniors who describe themselves as very happy, by living arrangement and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.1.5 Percentage of seniors who describe themselves as very happy, by living arrangement and age group, 2003

Top of page

4.2 Social networks and social isolation

Seniors' living arrangements are associated with their financial well-being and, potentially, with their degree of access to social support. Social relationships existing outside households can also have a potential influence on general well-being and access to social support. For example, many seniors live alone but have at the same time a large network of relatives, friends and neighbours on which they can count. In contrast, some seniors are married but are somewhat isolated from other meaningful or supportive social relationships. When measuring the level of access to social support or the risk of social isolation, information on social networks is a valuable supplement to information on living arrangements.

This section is about the social connectedness or interactions of seniors with persons who do not live with them, that is, with friends, relatives, neighbours and other people they know. Can seniors rely on as many close friends, family members and neighbours to socialize with as their younger counterparts? Do the majority of seniors have someone they can tell what is on their minds or in their hearts? How different or similar are seniors' social networks compared to those of individuals in other age groups?

Top of page

Close friends and other friends

Close friends are often considered the best people with whom to share personal experiences, opinions and feelings, or just to spend some time. Apart from spouses, they often are the main source of emotional support for individuals. "Other" friends are also important for individuals. While they might not be the most suitable friends to provide emotional support, they may be a source of companionship or access to various types of information.

In 2003, participants of the General Social Survey were asked: How many close friends do you have, that is, people who are not your relatives, but who you feel at ease with, can talk about what is on your mind, or call for help? They were also asked how many other friends they had.

While it is not clear what are the implications of having six versus four close friends, reporting having no close friends at all can be an indication of social isolation. Some 5% of individuals aged 25 to 54 said they did not have any friends they felt close to, compared to 14% of seniors (Table 4.2.1). Older seniors aged 75 and over were particularly likely to report having no close friends (18%).

Table 4.2.1 Percentage with no close friends and/or no other friends, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.2.1 Percentage with no close friends and/or no other friends, 2003

A similar pattern was evident in the prevalence of having no "other" friends. Specifically, the share of seniors aged 75 and over who said they did not have any other friends was again much greater (19%) than that of 25- to 54-year-olds (5%). The proportion of seniors aged 65 to 74 was more moderate (9%).

Few individuals reported having no friends, close or otherwise, although it was more common for seniors. Among seniors aged 65 and over almost 10 persons out of 100 reported that they did not have any close friends or other friends. In contrast, only one out of every 100 individuals in the 25 to 54 age group reported so.

The share of seniors reporting they had no close friends or no other friends was higher in certain regions than in others (Chart 4.2.1). Seniors in Québec were especially likely to report having no close friends (23%). This was almost four times greater than the proportion observed in British Columbia where 6% of seniors reported having no close friends. Seniors in Québec were not only more likely to report having no close friends; they were also most likely to report having no "other" friends.

Chart 4.2.1 Percentage of seniors with no close friends or no other friends, by region of residence, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.1 Percentage of seniors with no close friends or no other friends, by region of residence, 2003

Top of page

Occasions to make friends

Typically, close friendships or "other" friendships develop in school, postsecondary institutions, and workplaces. Close social ties may also be created or reinforced when individuals form a family. At these various stages of life (school years, transition to the labour market, and formation of a family), friends can be lost but occasions to make new ones are generally somewhat frequent for younger persons.

There are some indications that this might be less often the case for seniors. In the 2003 General Social Survey, respondents were also asked: In the last month, how many new people did you meet outside work or school, that is people you hadn't met before and who you intend to stay in contact with ? The majority of people in all age groups said they had not met any new people in the previous month (Table 4.2.1). However, seniors were proportionally more likely to say that they had not met anyone new (75% said so compared to 62% in the 25 to 54 age range).

And among seniors aged 75 and over, slightly more than four out of five people said that they had not met any new people in the last month (82%).

While this difference between age groups might help to explain, at least in part, why seniors are more likely to report that they don't have any friends, other reasons are also possible. For example, it could be that seniors are more likely to lose the friends they previously had (through death, migration, and so on). Alternatively, it could be that, during their lives, members of the current generation of seniors attributed relatively less importance to friendships and more to family relationships - especially since family size was often larger when these seniors were raising children.

Top of page

Presence of close friends and other friends, health and happiness

Why should the presence or absence of friends matter? Many studies have highlighted the strong correlation between positive social relationships and mental and physical health (Berkman, Glass and Brissette, 2000).2 A lack of social relationships has also been identified as a risk factor for the development of health problems(Kawachi, Colditz and Ascherio, 1996).3 Additionally, a recent qualitative study conducted with seniors and professionals involved in planning or providing services to older adults reported that "loneliness, isolation, and the loss of loved one were spontaneously identified as major elements having a detrimental effect on the quality of life" (Richard, Laforest, Dufresne and Sapinski., 2005).4

Consistent with these studies, it appears that seniors who report that they do not have any close friends or other friends are less likely to be in excellent or very good health (Chart 4.2.2). Also, those who reported that they had no close friend or no other friend are significantly less likely to describe themselves as very happy (Chart 4.2.3). It should be noted, however, that seniors in poor health (whether physical or mental) might have more difficulty sustaining social relationships, and that health status can be a factor affecting the likelihood of reporting having no close friends or no other friends.

Chart 4.2.2 Percentage of seniors reporting very good or excellent health, by age group and presence of close/other friends, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.2 Percentage of seniors reporting very good or excellent health, by age group and presence of close/other friends, 2003


Chart 4.2.3 Percentage of seniors who describe themselves as very happy, by age group and presence of close/other friends, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.3 Percentage of seniors who describe themselves as very happy, by age group and presence of close/other friends, 2003

Top of page

Social relationships with relatives

For some persons, the people to whom they feel the closest are not necessarily "friends" but relatives living outside their household. General Social Survey respondents were also asked, in 2003, about the number of relatives to whom they felt close, that is, those to whom they feel at ease with, can talk to about what is on their mind, or call for help.

Compared to differences in reporting no close friends or no other friends, differences between seniors and younger persons in reporting no close ties with relatives were modest. About 8% of seniors said that they did not have any relative they felt close to, only slightly higher than the 6% of 25- to 54-year-olds who said so. Seniors aged 75 and over were similar to those aged between 65 and 74 in the extent to which they reported having no close relative.

Noticeably, seniors who said they did not feel close to any relative living outside their household were not, for the majority, the same as those who said they did not have any close friend. In 2003, only 2% of all seniors said that they had no close friend and no relatives they felt close to. Put differently, about 98% of seniors said that they had at least one person to whom they felt close to. Seniors who lived alone were as likely as those living with a spouse or other persons to report having no close friends or relative (2%).

Data from Statistics Canada's most recent General Social Survey on time use (2005) allows us to get a better undestanding on seniors' relationships with their relatives and their family members. In that survey, respondents were asked: People you feel very close to might include those you discuss important matters with, regularly keep in touch with, or are there for you when you need help. Thinking of all the people who fit this description and who do not live with you how many are 1) members of your immediate family? (parents, siblings, adult children or in-laws) 2) other relatives that you are very close to?

Reflecting the fact that many seniors had lived in larger families (but also the fact that younger persons are more likely to still live with their children), a somewhat higher proportion of seniors reported that they had six or more immediate family members who were not living with them but to whom they felt were "very close". Specifically, 29% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 and 30% of those aged 75 and over reported that they had six or more such immediate family members. In contrast, this was the case for about 22% of 25- to 54-year-olds.

On the other hand, seniors were more likely to report that they did not feel close to any of their "other relatives" than their younger counterparts (Chart 4.2.4). In 2005, about 52% of seniors aged 75 and over said they had no "other relative" they felt close to, compared to 41% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age group. The fact that some members of seniors' extended families may have died might explain in part the difference between generations. In sum, seniors are less likely to be isolated from their immediate family, but are more likely to report that they don't have any close relationships in their extended family.

Chart 4.2.4 Number of other relatives which are considered as very close, by age group, 2005. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.4 Number of other relatives which are considered as very close, by age group, 2005

Top of page

Frequency of seeing and talking to relatives

Seniors, particularly those aged 75 and over, are slightly more likely than their younger counterparts to see their relatives frequently. In 2003, about 45% of seniors aged 75 and over said that they had seen their relatives at least a few times a week in the last month, compared to 38% of those in the 25 to 54 age group (Chart 4.2.5).

Chart 4.2.5 Frequency of contact with relatives, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.5 Frequency of contact with relatives, by age group, 2003

Older seniors were also slightly more likely to talk regularly with relatives by telephone than individuals aged 25 to 54. Almost a quarter of individuals aged 75 and over said that they had talked to a relative on the phone at least once a week in the past month in 2003. This was the case for 18% of 25- to 54-year-olds.

A number of factors were associated with the frequency with which seniors saw their relatives. For example, seniors who were widowed were significantly more likely to see their relatives weekly than those who were divorced, separated or single (Chart 4.2.6). Similarly, seniors living in more rural areas were more likely than those living in large urban areas to see their relatives at least once a week (Chart 4.2.7). Unfortunately, it is impossible to know whether seniors were satisfied with the frequency with which they visited or talked to their relatives.

Chart 4.2.6 Percentage of seniors who see their relatives once a week or more often, by marital status and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.6 Percentage of seniors who see their relatives once a week or more often, by marital status and age group, 2003


Chart 4.2.7 Percentage of seniors who see their relatives once a week or more, by place of residence and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.7 Percentage of seniors who see their relatives once a week or more, by place of residence and age group, 2003

Top of page

Members of seniors' social networks of close ties

For those who reported that they had at least one person they felt close to, it was possible to detail in more depth the composition of their social networks. Apart from members of their immediate family and relatives, respondents to the survey were also asked how many of the people they felt close to were actually neighbours and other people5.

Immediate family members represented a larger share of seniors' social networks than of younger persons' networks. Specifically, immediate family members (parents, siblings, adult children or in-laws) represented 46% of all ties in the social networks of seniors aged 75 and over (Chart 4.2.8). This means that for a "typical" senior reporting that he or she had, for example, 15 persons she felt very close to, about seven of them would be immediate family members. In contrast, immediate family members represented 38% of all relationships in 25- to 54-year-olds social networks of close ties.

Chart 4.2.8 Share of social networks composed of immediate family, relatives, neighbours and other persons, by age group, 2005. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.8 Share of social networks composed of immediate family, relatives, neighbours and other persons, by age group, 2005

On the other hand, "other persons" (that is non-relatives, non-immediate family members and non-neighbours) generally represented a smaller share of seniors' social network of close ties. This is not surprising, given the fact that seniors are more likely to report that they have no close friends or no other friends.

Finally, neighbours represented a larger share of seniors' social networks than of younger persons' networks. In 2005, neighbours represented, on average, 14% of all close ties in the social networks of seniors aged 75 and over, compared to 9% of the networks of 25- to 54-year-olds. This might reflect the fact that seniors are more likely to have stayed for a longer period of time in their neighbourhood.

Top of page

Relationships with neighbours

For most people, neighbours are not the persons with whom they have the closest ties. (If some of them are close, they usually represent only a small proportion of all the respondent's close ties.) Neighbours are not the first people they think of when they want to confide to someone about personal matters, or ask for help which demands a significant level of involvement. However, neighbours are often providers and recipients of frequent and various exchanges of favours. For small services and day to day type of exchanges (e.g. borrowing a cup of flour, watering plants while on holiday), neighbours often are the best and most accessible source of help. Naturally, the minimum condition for these exchanges to occur is that neighbours know each other.

Seniors are slightly more likely to know their neighbours than individuals aged 25 to 54. Some 51% of seniors aged between 65 and 74, and 48% of those aged 75 and over, reported that they knew many or most of their neighbours, compared to 41% of those in the 25 to 54 age group.

This difference can be explained almost entirely by the fact that seniors have lived in their neighbourhood for a longer period of time. In 2003, about 86% of seniors aged 75 and over living in private dwellings had been in the neighbourhood for five years or more. This was the case for only 55% of 25- to 54-year-olds (Chart 4.2.9).

Chart 4.2.9 Length of residence in the neighbourhood, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.2.9 Length of residence in the neighbourhood, by age group, 2003

When individuals who have resided in a neighbourhood for a longer period of time are distinguished from those who are more recent residents, the difference between seniors and their younger counterparts almost disappears. For instance, among seniors aged 75 and over living in private dwelling who had been settled in their neighbourhood for less than five years, about 26% reported that they knew most of their neighbours, compared to 24% of 25- to 54-year-olds. And among individuals who had been established for five years or more, 55% of 25- to 54-year-olds said that they knew many or most of their neighbours, a percentage that was not statistically different from the proportions for seniors.

In sum, seniors are more likely to have a greater share of neighbours in their social networks of close ties. However, they are only slightly more likely to know many or most of their neighbours than their younger counterparts. This difference is due in large part to the fact that seniors have lived, on average, for a longer period of time in their communities.

Top of page

The social networks of seniors living alone

Seniors living alone can be at a particular risk of social isolation if there are few people in their life to whom they feel close or with whom they can talk and socialize. According to the 2003 General Social Survey data, seniors living alone were only slightly more likely than seniors living with their spouse to report that they did not have any other friends (Table 4.2.2). About 16% of seniors living alone reported that they did not have any other friends, compared to 11% of seniors living with their spouse. Seniors living alone were also more likely than married seniors to report that, in the previous month, they had not met any new people with whom they expected to stay in contact with. However, they were no more likely to report having no close friends, nor they were more likely to report they did not have any relative they felt close to in their life.

Table 4.2.2 Social networks of seniors by type of living arrangement. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.2.2 Social networks of seniors by type of living arrangement

In fact, seniors living alone had more frequent contacts with their relatives than those who lived with their spouse and those in other living arrangements. Some 48% of seniors living alone said that they saw their relatives (excluding those living with them) every week, compared to 42% of seniors living with their spouse. Also, 28% of seniors living alone were talking to their relatives every day, compared to 19% of seniors living with their spouse. On the other hand, seniors living alone are slightly less likely to know most or all of their neighbours.

Top of page

4.3 Providing and receiving help and care

In the first two sections of this chapter, a description of seniors' living arrangements and social networks was made. In the present one, we examine how seniors mobilize the persons in their social networks to get access to various resources, or, more generally, how different persons or formal organizations intervene in seniors' life to help and support them. We also examine the helping behaviours of seniors, including giving to charitable or nonprofit organizations.

The first part of this section compares seniors to younger adults in the extent to which they help, and are helped by, members of their social networks who are not living with them. It is closely related in its content to section 4.2 on social networks, and it excludes help received by formal sources such as paid employees, governments or non-governmental organizations.

The second part of the section is limited to persons who received help because of a long term health problem or physical condition. The analysis is extended to include help and care provided by all sources, that is, formal help provided by organizations or public sector employees as well as informal help provided by both co-residents and social networks. Given the nature of the data used, the second part of the section will focus principally on seniors aged 65 and over.

Top of page

Part 1: Exchange of help among people who are not living together

Help received from members of social networks

There are plenty of occasions in day to day life when assistance from relatives, neighbours or friends is invaluable - when one's spouse is not available to help, for tasks involving a large amount of physical effort, and so on. Members of social networks can be very helpful in these situations, especially for those who live alone.

As illustrated previously, seniors are more likely than individuals in younger age groups to report that they don't have any close friends or other friends. At the same time, seniors are slightly more likely to say that they know many or most of their neighbours, and are also more likely to have many immediate family members they feel close to. What are the implications of these differences, if any, for the patterns of exchange through social networks? Are seniors more or less likely to be helped by members of their social networks? What type of help are seniors more likely to receive from people who do not live with them?

In 2003, respondents to the General Social Survey were asked if, in the previous month, anyone had helped them with various tasks.6 Respondents were asked to exclude help received from someone living with them, as well as help obtained through an organization.

Seniors were less likely than younger individuals to report receiving less tangible forms of help involving such things as advice or an ear to listen to them. About 11% of seniors reported that someone helped them by teaching them, coaching or giving them practical advice, compared to 30% of 25- to 54-year-olds (Table 4.3.1). Similarly the share of seniors who said that someone gave them emotional support (28%) was significantly lower than the share of individuals in the 25 to 54 age group (43%). These differences might reflect more difficulty in accessing this type of help, more barriers in asking for it or, alternatively, less need for it.

Seniors aged 75 and over were just as likely as non-seniors to receive help with domestic work, home maintenance or outdoor work from a person who was not living with them. However, 25- to 54-year-olds were more likely to have received that type of help in the past month (24%) than seniors aged between 65 and 74 (20%) (Table 4.3.1). This does not mean that younger seniors do not need help; however, it might imply that they are less likely than younger adults to rely on persons not living with them to help them with various home-related tasks.

Table 4.3.1 Persons who received help in the past month: type of help received, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.1 Persons who received help in the past month: type of help received, by age group, 2003

The prevalence of receiving help for transportation or running errands was significantly higher among older seniors, that is those aged 75 and over, than among individuals in younger age groups. In 2003, about 29% of seniors aged 75 and over said that they had received that kind of help in the last month from someone outside their household. In contrast, this was the case for only 16% of those in the 65 to 74 age group. Interestingly, seniors in the latter age range were even less likely than 25- to 54-year-olds to have received help with transportation or running errands.

The fact that the great majority of seniors aged 65 to 74 have a valid driver's licence as well as access to a vehicle helps to explain why such a low proportion of persons in that age range had received help for transportation or for running errands from someone who did not live with them. In 2005, 89% of 65- to 74-year-olds said that they or someone in their household leased or owned a vehicle, compared to 73% of those aged 75 and over. Also, a significantly higher proportion of 65- to 74-year-olds than of seniors 75 years old and over reported that they had a valid driver's licence (85% and 60% respectively).

Among seniors, those who lived alone were more likely to receive all types of help (except teaching, coaching or giving practical advice) than seniors living with a spouse and seniors living with a person other than their spouse) (Chart 4.3.1). The differences were particularly noticeable for receiving help for transportation or running errands; about 35% of seniors living alone had received such help in the previous month, compared to 14% of those who were living with a spouse. Also, seniors living alone were more likely to report that someone gave them emotional support; it is likely that individuals living with a spouse or other persons get that form of support within their households.

Chart 4.3.1 Percentage of seniors who were helped in the previous month, by living arrangement, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.1 Percentage of seniors who were helped in the previous month, by living arrangement, 2003

Senior women were more likely than men to report that they had received emotional support in the previous month. Similarly, they were more likely to say that they had received help for transportation and/or running errands (Chart 4.3.2). The fact that senior men are more likely (89%) than senior women (62%) to have a valid driver's licence could explain in part the latter difference.7 For emotional support, research shows that men are more likely to obtain it from their spouse, while women are more likely to obtain it from someone other than their husband.

Chart 4.3.2 Percentage of seniors who received informal help in the previous month, by sex, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.2 Percentage of seniors who received informal help in the previous month, by sex, 2003

Finally, individuals who reported that they had no close friends were significantly less likely to report they had received emotional support in the past month (Chart 4.3.3). For example, only about 15% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 who said they did not have any close friends said that they received emotional support in the previous month. In contrast, about 29% of those with at least one close friend or relative said that they received emotional support.

Chart 4.3.3 Percentage of people who received emotional support in the previous month, by presence of a close friend and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.3 Percentage of people who received emotional support in the previous month, by presence of a close friend and age group, 2003

The frequency of receiving help and the sources of help

Seniors who received help from individuals outside the household were more likely to receive help regularly than middle-aged persons. However, the likelihood that older seniors (aged 75 and over) got help on a regular basis was very similar to that of younger persons (aged between 25 and 34) (Chart 4.3.4). In 2003, among those who had received at least one form of unpaid help in the past month, 35% of 25- to 34-year-olds said that it was regular help, compared to 38% of those 75 years old and over. The reasons for receiving help were probably somewhat different across the age groups. However, these figures illustrate the fact that seniors are not the only, and maybe not even the principal, recipients of social support in society.


Chart 4.3.4 People who received some form of help in the previous month: percentage who received that help on a regular basis, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.4 People who received some form of help in the previous month: percentage who received that help on a regular basis, 2003

Not surprisingly, given the size and the composition of their social networks, seniors do not rely on the same type of people for help as their younger counterparts. Among those who had received at least one type of help in the previous month, more than two-thirds of seniors aged 75 and over said that it came from a relative (70%). This was the case for less than half of those in the 55 to 64 age group (48%). In contrast, seniors were less likely to be helped by friends. Some 39% of seniors aged 75 and over who were helped said that a friend had come to their assistance, compared to 69% of those in the 25 to 54 age range (Chart 4.3.5).

Chart 4.3.5 People who were helped in the previous month: percentage receiving help from relatives, neighbours and friends, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.5 People who were helped in the previous month: percentage receiving help from relatives, neighbours and friends, by age group, 2003

Top of page

Help provided by seniors to persons not living with them

A significant proportion of older Canadians help other people, and they do so in many different ways. Respondents of the 2003 Statistics Canada's General Social Survey were asked if, in the last month, they had helped someone not living with them.

Younger seniors were somewhat more likely to provide such help than older seniors aged 75 and over. For example, about a quarter of seniors aged between 65 and 74 years old (26%) reported that they had helped someone living outside their home with domestic work, home maintenance or outdoor work (Table 4.3.2). In contrast, this was the case for only 11% of seniors aged 75 and over. Also, some 22% of younger seniors helped with child care, compared to 9% seniors aged 75 and over. This probably reflects the fact that younger seniors are more likely to have young grandchildren than older seniors.

Table 4.3.2 Persons who provided help in the last month: type of help provided, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.2 Persons who provided help in the last month: type of help provided, by age group, 2003

Interestingly, in all age groups except 75 and over, the proportion of those who said that they provided help was greater than the proportion of those who said that they were helped. For example, only 16% of seniors aged 65 to 74 said that they received help for transport or for running errands, while those in the same age range who said that they provided that type of help were twice as numerous, at 33% (Chart 4.3.6).

Chart 4.3.6 Percent of seniors aged 65 to 74 who received and provided help in the previous month, by type of help, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.6 Percent of seniors aged 65 to 74 who received and provided help in the previous month, by type of help, 2003

On the other hand, older seniors aged 75 and over were more likely to report having been helped than having provided help with domestic work, home maintenance or outdoor work, as well as for transportation or running errands (Chart 4.3.7). However, they said they were more likely to have helped someone else by teaching them, coaching or giving them practical advice. Similarly, they reported providing more emotional support than they received.

Chart 4.3.7 Percentage of seniors aged 75 and over who received and provided help in the previous month, by type of help, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.7 Percentage of seniors aged 75 and over who received and provided help in the previous month, by type of help, 2003

As noted earlier, men and women are not only different in the types of help that they receive; they also are different in the type of help that they provide. According to the 2003 General Social Survey data, senior men are more specialized in providing help with: domestic work, home maintenance or outdoor work; transportation or running errands; teaching, coaching or giving practical advice. In contrast, senior women were more likely to help with child care and emotional support (Chart 4.3.8).

Chart 4.3.8 Percentage of seniors who provided help in the previous month, by sex, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.8 Percentage of seniors who provided help in the previous month, by sex, 2003

Seniors who helped someone were more likely than 25- to 54-year-olds to assist a neighbour, and less likely to help a friend (Chart 4.3.9). These patterns are similar to those observed for help received. Seniors are more likely than younger adults to know many of their neighbours, and they generally have more positive attitudes toward them (see section 4.6 of this chapter for more details). The fact that they also are more likely to provide help to their neighbours is consistent with these attitudes.

Chart 4.3.9 Persons who provided some form of help in the previous month: percentage who provided help to relatives, neighbours and friends, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.9 Persons who provided some form of help in the previous month: percentage who provided help to relatives, neighbours and friends, by age group, 2003

Top of page

Exchange of favours among neighbours

Seniors are more likely to know their neighbours than their younger counterparts but are less likely to exchange favours with them. About 59% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age range reported that they had received a favour from their neighbours in the past month, compared to 56% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 and 52% of seniors aged 75 and over (Chart 4.3.10). It is possible that younger persons are more likely to need the type of help that can be offered by neighbours because of their stage in their life cycle (for example because of the presence of younger children).

Chart 4.3.10 Percentage who have received a favour from a neighbour and who have done a favour for a neighbour, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.10 Percentage who have received a favour from a neighbour and who have done a favour for a neighbour, by age group, 2003

The percentage of 25- to 54-year-olds, 55- to 64-year-olds and 65- to 74-year-olds who had done a favour for a neighbour in the past month was similar. However, seniors aged 75 and older were less likely than others to have done so, at 51% compared to 63% in the 25 to 54 age range.

Top of page

Giving to charitable and nonprofit organizations

In 2004, about 22.2 million Canadians, or 85% of the population aged 15 and over, made a financial donation to a charitable or other non-profit organization. The recipients of these donations included religious organizations, health organizations, social services organizations and hospitals.

Seniors were not very different than other age groups in terms of making donations. In 2004, 87% of seniors aged 65 to 74 made a financial donation to charitable or non-profit organizations, about the same proportion as individuals in the 25 to 54 age range (88%) (Table 4.3.3).

Table 4.3.3 Giving rate and distribution of donations, by age group, 2004. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.3 Giving rate and distribution of donations, by age group, 2004

However, the average dollar amount of annual donations by seniors was significantly higher than that by younger persons. In 2004, donors aged 75 and over gave on average $646. By comparison, the average was $395 for individuals aged 25 to 54 (Table 4.3.3).

Top of page

Part 2: Seniors receiving care because of their health status

In recent years, the proportion of seniors living in private households has been on the rise. Among these seniors, and especially among the elderly, many have a long-term health problem (see Section 2.1 on health). While many seniors with a long-term health problem are independent and are able to remain in their houses, many also require help to conduct their daily activities.

Public services or private organizations can respond to some of their needs, for instance house cleaning, transportation and personal care. However, they cannot, and are not always, the best suited to respond to all of a senior's needs. Moreover, financial resources are not always sufficient to provide all the care that might be needed. In many cases, the presence and commitment of a close family member, a spouse or a neighbour can make an important difference in their quality of life, increasing the possibility that they can stay in their home.

In this second part of the chapter, the focus is placed on seniors who receive help and care because of a long-term health condition. How many seniors receive care because of they have a long-term health problem? Who is providing this care? Are their needs satisfied?

Top of page

Seniors who receive help because of a long-term health problem

In 2002, close to one million seniors (945,000) who lived in private dwellings said they received help because they had long term health problem or physical condition that affected their ability to engage in day-to-day activities. This amounted to 26% of Canadians aged 65 and over receiving some help with indoor or outdoor household work, shopping or transportation, or personal care.

Elderly Canadians aged 85 and over were almost four times more likely than their younger counterparts aged 65 to 74 to receive care for a long-term health problem (60% and 16%, respectively) (Table 4.3.4). Seniors aged between 75 and 84 fell in between, with about a third of them (34%) receiving care.

Table 4.3.4 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem, by age group and sex, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.4 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem, by age group and sex, 2002

In every age group, women were more likely to receive care than men. Among 65- to 74-year-olds for example, about 19% of women receives help, compared to 13% of men. The gap was larger in the 75 to 84 age range, in which 64% of women received care compared to 53% of men (Table 4.3.5).

Table 4.3.5 Percentage of seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem, by presence of various health problems and age group, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.5 Percentage of seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem, by presence of various health problems and age group, 2002

However, the differences between men and women were not the same, depending on their living arrangements. Among seniors living with their spouse, men were almost as likely as women to receive help (19% for men and 22% for women). In contrast, the gap was much larger between senior men and women living alone. In 2002, about 37% of women living alone received help, compared to some 23% of men.

The fact that senior women living alone are, on average, slightly older than men does not explain the difference.8 If only seniors aged 85 and over are selected, the proportion of women living alone who received help for a long-term health problem was still significantly higher than the proportion of men, at, respectively, 62% and 52%.

Regional differences were also apparent, and seniors living in the Atlantic Provinces were significantly more likely than other seniors, while those living in Québec were least likely, to receive help because of a long-term health problem. In 2002, about 40% of seniors in Atlantic Canada received some kind of assistance, more than twice the proportion in Québec (18%). West of Québec, the proportions of seniors in private households who received help varied between 26% and 28%.

Throughout this report, the importance of the changing educational profile of seniors (and of the next generation of the seniors) has been highlighted. As seen in the chapter on health, well-being and security, there is a close relationship in all age groups between level of education and health; specifically, the higher the level of education, the greater the likelihood of being in good health or of reporting more positive health behaviours. With this information in mind, it should then be expected that seniors with a higher level of education would be significantly less likely to receive help because of a long-term health condition -since they would be less likely to need it.

Although there is a gap between those with higher and lower levels of education, it is not as large as the one observed for health status. In the 65 to 74 age group for example, the proportion of those with a college or a university diploma who received help was only slightly lower than the proportion of those with less than high school (18% and 13%, respectively). In the 75 and over age group, the education gap existed only between women. In sum, seniors with the highest levels of education are only slightly less likely to receive help because of a long-term health problem.

Top of page

Various health problems and receipt of care

Some health problems are quite prevalent among seniors, including impaired mobility, fuzzy memory, and pain or discomfort; other problems are less common, among them speech, dexterity and uncorrected hearing problems (see Chapter 2, Table 2.1.10). However, these different types of health problems do not have the same effects on the daily lives of individuals. Some less prevalent problems may increase dramatically the need for help; others which are more commonly found in the population are less strongly associated with the likelihood of receiving care.

For example, regular trouble going to sleep or staying asleep, and memory problems, which are both common among seniors, did not increase the likelihood of receiving help very significantly. Among seniors aged 85 and over, 59% of those who reported no problem sleeping were helped because of a long-term health problem; the corresponding percentage for those who did report problems sleeping was very similar, at 63% (Table 4.3.4).

On the other hand, having problems with dexterity9 dramatically increased the probability of receiving help. In the 85 and over age group, almost all seniors (95%) with dexterity problems said that they received help because of they had a long-term health problem; this was the case for only 55% of those without dexterity difficulties. Other long-term problems that were particularly associated with receiving help included uncorrected vision problems and speech problems. Seniors aged 65 and over with a speech problem were almost three times more likely to receive care than those without one.

Top of page

Age and the likelihood of receiving care

As documented above, many factors are associated with the likelihood of receiving help and care, and health is obviously a critical one. However, age itself is one of the most determinant elements associated with the probability of receiving help because of a long-term health condition. Chart 4.3.11 illustrates this reality. While poor health is associated with a greater probability of receiving help in all age groups, it is much more the case among younger seniors aged 65 to 74 than among older seniors aged 85 and over. To be more precise, in the 65 to 74 age group, those who perceived their health as good were almost four times less likely to receive help than those whose health was fair or poor (12% and 43% respectively). In contrast, some 59% of seniors aged 85 and over fair or poor health received help, compared to half (50%) of those who described their health as good.

Chart 4.3.11 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health condition by self-perceived health, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.11 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health condition by self-perceived health, 2002

The same pattern exists when seniors' health status is measured using the health utility index. The index is a more "direct" measure of health, but it is equally global as self-perceived health, since it includes emotional as well as physical elements. In younger age groups, those in poorer health were seven times more likely to receive help than those with more positive health status. This was also true among seniors aged 85 and over, but the gap between those in very good health and those in poorer health was much narrower, with those in poorer health being about three times more likely to receive help than those in the best health (as measured by the health utility index) (Chart 4.3.12).

Chart 4.3.12 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem, by health utility index level and age group, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.12 Percentage of seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem, by health utility index level and age group, 2002

Top of page

Unmet caregiving needs

The fact that 74% of seniors did not receive help because of a long-term health problem does not necessarily mean that all those who required help received it. In 2002, about 2% of seniors living in private households experienced unmet caregiving needs; that is, they reported that they needed care because of a long-term health problem but they had received none.

As illustrated in Table 4.3.6, seniors who did not receive help even though they needed it were younger and healthier, on average, than those who said they were receiving the assistance they required; at the same time, they were older and less healthy than those seniors who did not need care. More precisely, seniors who needed care but did not receive it were, on average, 75 years old; in contrast, those who received help because of a long-term health problem were 78.4 years old, and those who did not receive help because they did not need it were the youngest, at 73.2 years old.

Table 4.3.6 Characteristics of seniors who did not receive care, of those who had unmet caregiving needs, and of those who received care, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.6 Characteristics of seniors who did not receive care, of those who had unmet caregiving needs, and of those who received care, 2002

There were some regional differences in the extent to which care was provided (or not) when it was needed. In Québec, about 2.9% of seniors reported that they did not receive the care that they needed. This proportion was higher than in the Atlantic provinces (1%), Ontario (1.2%) and the Prairies (1.4%). However, it was not significantly different from British Columbia, where about 2.4% of seniors reported that although they needed care because of a health problem they did not receive it.

Top of page

The various types of help received by seniors

The type of help that seniors received because they had a long-term health problem varied significantly across age groups. Some 9% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 received help with home maintenance and outdoor work; in contrast, only 5% of them received help with shopping, transportation, banking or paying bills (Table 4.3.7). This is not surprising since outdoor work and home maintenance often involve more considerable physical effort. As such, even less serious long-term health problems (for instance, moderate back pain) can limit the ability to perform these tasks.

Table 4.3.7 Seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem: type of care received, by sex, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.7 Seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem: type of care received, by sex, 2002

At older ages, seniors are less likely to require help with work around the house (some may have moved to a residence which requires less maintenance) but they are more likely to require help for all other types of activities. For example, some 36% of seniors aged 85 and over and still living in a private home received assistance with bathing, toileting, care for toenails or finger nails, brushing teeth, shampooing and hair care.

Not surprisingly, given that senior men are not as likely as women to receive help, they also are not as likely to receive the various types of help. Among other things, senior women, and particularly those aged between 75 and 84, were significantly more likely to get assistance for shopping or transportation than men (18% and 8% respectively).

Senior women are also twice as likely to receive help with indoor work because of a long-term health condition, at 18% compared to 9% of men. However, this difference between men and women should be interpreted with caution. In many couples, responsibilities are divided according to traditional gender roles, and men are more likely to report that they are helped with these tasks because this is the way chores are shared in their households and not because of their health problem.10

Also, the likelihood of receiving more types of help increased significantly with age. Among seniors aged 85 and over who received some type of care because of a long-term health problem, one-third got help in all four major categories of activities, that is indoor housework, outdoor work, transportation and personal care (Chart 4.3.13). This was the case for only 15% of seniors aged between 65 and 74.

Chart 4.3.13 Seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem: number of types of help received, by age group, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.13 Seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem: number of types of help received, by age group, 2002

Top of page

Formal and informal sources of help

Seniors who have a long-term health problem can receive help and care from informal sources like their spouse, relatives, and friends; from formal sources such as government and non governmental organizations; or from both. For many reasons, public institutions are interested in knowing the numbers of seniors receiving care from informal sources; this information assists them in planning costs and forecasting demand for services, estimating eventual support necessary for caregivers, and the like. Informal caregivers are also interested about the provision of home care by the public sector, especially when their involvement implies expending considerable amounts of time, money and psychological resources. Do most seniors receiving care for a long-term health problem receive it from informal, formal or both types of sources?

Among all seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem, about three quarters (72%) received that help, in part or in total, from informal sources; a little less than half (45%) received their help only from informal sources (Table 4.3.8). However, older seniors aged 85 and over who received care were less likely to get it from informal sources exclusively. More precisely, some 53% of those aged between 65 and 74 who received care had it from informal sources only, compared to 40% of the elderly aged 85 and over. Not surprisingly, the proportion receiving care from formal sources was higher among older seniors. Some 60% of those aged 85 and over received part or all of their help from a formal source, whether government, personal paid employee, or non-governmental organizations. In contrast, this was the case for less than half of those aged between 65 and 74 (47%). As they get older, the chronic conditions for which seniors need help may become more severe or numerous; consequently, more specialized home care can be required and members of social networks may no longer be sufficient for providing support.

Table 4.3.8 Seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem: informal and formal sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.8 Seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem: informal and formal sources of help, 2002

A senior's type of living arrangement is not only associated with the likelihood of receiving help because of a long-term health problem; it is also correlated with the probability of receiving it from informal and/or formal sources. Not surprisingly, seniors living alone are more likely to receive help from formal sources (whether exclusively or in part) than those living with a spouse (64% and 52%, respectively) and those living with other persons (40%). Seniors not living with a spouse but with other persons (such as relatives) were significantly less likely to receive formal help only. About 14% of them received all their care only from formal sources, compared to 33% of seniors living alone. It is possible that seniors living with other persons have adopted such a living arrangement because they can be helped more easily that way.

Province of residence is also a factor influencing the probability of receiving care from formal and informal sources. Seniors living in Québec are not only less likely to receive help and care because of a long-term health problem; when they do receive some help, they are less likely to receive it from a formal source. In Ontario, 33% of care receivers aged 65 and over got all their care from formal sources, compared to 21% in Québec. Seniors living in Québec were the most likely to receive all their care from informal sources (54%).

A modest negative association between level of education and the likelihood of receiving care was documented above (that is, the greater the level of education, the lower the likelihood of receiving care because of a long-term health problem, probably because of more positive health status). There is also a relationship, which is stronger, between education and the likelihood of receiving care from formal versus informal sources. Among seniors who received care because of a long-term health problem, some 37% who had a college or a university degree received it from formal sources exclusively. In contrast, this was the case for only 22% of those whose highest level of educational attainment was less than high school. More generally, 65% of senior care receivers with the highest level of education received some of their care from formal sources, compared to 48% of those with the lowest level of educational attainment. It is possible that seniors with a greater level of education have more resources of all kinds (financial or informational, for example), which allows them to buy some of the services they need. Seniors with higher education and members of their social networks are probably more likely to know how to access these services.

As mentioned in Chapter 1, the extent to which seniors live in small communities distant from urban centres has implications for the provision of services like health care and home support. Governmental or non-governmental organizations could find it more difficult to provide services, for example, in more remote areas. However, seniors living in more urban areas were no more or less likely than those in smaller places to receive their care from formal sources. (The differences were not statistically significant.) Again, these results should be interpreted with caution; the fact that there are no significant differences between rural and urban areas does not necessarily mean that it is as easy to obtain formal help in every type of areas. Many intervening factors can influence the source that will deliver care to seniors who need it.

Top of page

The role of social networks in providing help to seniors

Seniors who have a lot of social resources probably are in a better position to receive help and care from informal sources than those who are more socially isolated. At the same time, they might be in a better position to obtain their help from different people, and hence less likely to overload the individual members of their social networks. Finally, seniors with larger social networks may be able to mobilize formal sources more easily if they need to (since they have more contacts).

Children often are the main providers of informal help and care for seniors. The relationship between the number of children still living and the likelihood of receiving care from informal sources is obvious. For example, the share of seniors who received care from informal sources exclusively was twice as large among those who had six or more children, compared to those who did not have any children (Table 4.3.9). Naturally, the likelihood of receiving care exclusively from formal sources declined dramatically with the number of children a senior had. Specifically, close to half of seniors who did not have any children relied exclusively on formal sources for their care (47%). The portrait was very different for those who had six or more children, as only 19% of them received all their care from formal sources.

Table 4.3.9 Seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem: social networks characteristics and informal/formal sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.3.9 Seniors who received help because of a long-term health problem: social networks characteristics and informal/formal sources of help, 2002

The number of siblings is also associated with the probability of receiving care from informal or formal sources. However, seniors without siblings are less likely to receive all their care from formal sources than seniors without any children. In 2002, some 37% of seniors who did not have a surviving sibling received all their care from formal sources, compared to 47% of those without any children.

As illustrated in Charts 4.3.14 to 4.3.17, seniors who received care are more likely to report that a son or a daughter has provided help than a sister or a brother. For instance, about 17% of seniors who got help for indoor housework received that help, in part or in total, from a daughter. Only 1% of seniors in these seniors received help from a sister or a brother.

Chart 4.3.14 Seniors who received help with indoor housework because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.14 Seniors who received help with indoor housework because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002

Reflecting the traditional gender division of labour in housework, seniors who were helped with house maintenance or outdoor work were more likely to receive that type of help from a son (24%) than from a daughter (11%). Again, siblings were not very likely to be the provider of home maintenance and outdoor work help for seniors.

Chart 4.3.15 Seniors who received help with outdoor housework because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.15 Seniors who received help with outdoor housework because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002

Noticeably, a great proportion of seniors who received help with indoor or outdoor work in their home received it from paid employee. These paid employees played as important a role as daughters in the case of indoor housework, and as important a role as sons in the case of house maintenance or outdoor work. However, they were far less likely to provide assistance with shopping, transportation or bill paying, and personal care.

Chart 4.3.16 Seniors who received help with shopping or transportation or bill paying because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.16 Seniors who received help with shopping or transportation or bill paying because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002

Seniors who received help with personal care were particularly likely to receive that help from the government or from non-governmental organizations. In 2002, some 29% of seniors who received help with personal care received it, in part or in total, from at least one non-governmental organizations. Also, close to one-quarter of care receivers reported their personal care had been provided by the government (24%), about the same proportion as those who received it from a spouse (23%).

Chart 4.3.17 Seniors who received help with personal care because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.3.17 Seniors who received help with personal care because of a long-term health condition: sources of help, 2002

Top of page

4.4 Organization involvement and volunteering

For seniors, participation in organizations and associations, as well as volunteering, is not only a way of contributing to their communities and to society, but also an effective way to meet people and to avoid social isolation. In this section, information about membership and participation in organizations are presented, as well as a profile of organizations in which seniors are the most active. Some of the factors associated with organizational engagement are also presented. In the last part of the section, information about volunteering are presented (participation rate, number of hours of volunteered, etc.).

Top of page

Participation rates and types of organizations

In 2003, General Social Survey respondents were asked about the groups or organizations, the networks and the associations to which they belonged. These could be formally organized groups or just groups of people who get together regularly to do an activity or talk about things.

Seniors aged 65 to 74 (54%) were just as likely as individuals aged 25 to 54 (54%) and as those aged 55 to 64 (55%) to be members of, or participants in, at least one organization.11 However, the proportion of those aged 75 and over who were involved in one or more groups was slightly lower, at 46%.

The frequency of participation in group activities and meetings does not vary much with age. Of seniors active in at least one organization, 43% participated at least once a week - a proportion that was not different than that for 25- to 54-year-olds.

However, the types of organizations in which seniors take part are somewhat different than those in which younger persons participate (Table 4.4.1). Firstly, seniors are more likely to be members of or participants in religious-affiliated groups. In 2003, 23% of 65- to 74-year-olds and 21% of those aged 75 and over took part in these types of groups; in contrast, this was the case for 16% of people in the 25 to 54 age range.

Table 4.4.1 Percentage who were members or participants in an organization in the past 12 months, by age group and type of organization, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.4.1 Percentage who were members or participants in an organization in the past 12 months, by age group and type of organization, 2003

Secondly, seniors (particularly men) are more likely to participate in service clubs or fraternal organizations (such as the Kiwanis, the Knights of Columbus, or the Lions ) than younger persons. In 2003, about 16% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 were involved in a service club or a fraternal organization, compared to 7% of 25- to 54-year-olds (and about 4% among the youngest adults between 25 and 34). Considering these percentages, it is somewhat likely that in the coming years, some of these long-standing service clubs and fraternal organizations will experience difficulties in renewing their membership.

Men of all ages, but especially senior men, were more likely than women to be members of service clubs or fraternal organizations and of a political party or group. In 2003, the proportion was more than one in five senior men (21%), compared to about one in ten senior women (11%). The fact that some of these organizations are reserved for men - like the Knights of Columbus - probably explains the gender gap in involvement in this type of organization.

The popularity of sports and recreation organizations declines in older age groups. In 2003, 30% of 25- to 54-year-olds were members of or participants in an organization like a hockey league, a health club or a golf club, compared to 12% of individuals aged 75 and over. Younger persons are also more likely to take part in school, neighbourhood, civic or community associations: 17% for 25- to 54-year-olds versus 10% for seniors. These gaps between younger adults and seniors simply underline that they are in different stages of the life cycle. Younger persons tend to have young children at home and so become more involved in community, neighbourhood or school associations. Indeed, among 25- to 54-year-olds without children, the proportion of those involved in a community association was no different to that of seniors aged 65 to 74, at 12%.

The next generation of seniors, that is those who are now aged 55 to 64, are also more likely to belong to certain types of organizations than current seniors and younger persons. Among the four age groups, they were the most likely to participate in political parties or groups, as well as the most likely to be involved in cultural, education or hobby organizations such as theatre groups, book clubs or bridge clubs. In 2003, almost one in four 55- to 64-year-old women was active in a cultural, education or hobby organization (24%).

Top of page

Factors associated with organizational involvement

Not all persons are involved in organizations. Among younger individuals as well as among seniors, a person's level of education is associated with their likelihood of being involved in an organization (Chart 4.4.1). In 2003, 76% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 who had a university degree were involved in one organization or another. In contrast, this was the case for only 41% of their counterparts who had less than high school.

Chart 4.4.1 Percentage of people who are members of a voluntary organization or association, by age group and level of education, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.1 Percentage of people who are members of a voluntary organization or association, by age group and level of education, 2003

As documented elsewhere in this report, the next generation of seniors will have a significantly higher level of educational attainment than the current generation. If the association between the level of education and organizational involvement remains stable in the years ahead, an increase in the overall level of participation among seniors might be expected - in absolute as well as in relative terms.

It is also notable that the association between the level of education and the likelihood of participation is stronger for certain types of organization than for others. For example, 55- to 64-year-olds with a university degree were almost five times more likely to be involved in a cultural, education or hobby organization than those who had less than high school (40% versus 8%) (Chart 4.4.2). In contrast, the participation rate in service clubs or fraternal organizations was similar across different levels of educational attainment, at 14% for those with a university degree compared to 10% for those who did not complete high school. Therefore, changes in the educational profile of the next generation of seniors might have implications not only in terms of their level of organizational engagement, but also in the type of organizations they will take part in.

Chart 4.4.2 Percent of people aged 55 to 64 who are members or participants in various types of organizations, by highest level of education, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.2 Percent of people aged 55 to 64 who are members or participants in various types of organizations, by highest level of education, 2003

Another significant correlate of civic engagement in adulthood is civic involvement in youth. Individuals who were active and engaged as teenagers or young adults are often said to sustain their engagement later in their adult life. GSS data do not contradict this interpretation (Chart 4.4.3). In the 55 to 64 age range for example, persons who reported that they had been civically engaged in some way in their youth were about two times more likely to be members of or participants in an organization later in life than those who reported no involvement when they were young.

Chart 4.4.3 Percentage of people who are involved in an organization, by participation in youth, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.3 Percentage of people who are involved in an organization, by participation in youth, 2003

A greater proportion of individuals in the 25 to 54 and the 55 to 64 age groups, compared to seniors, report that they were involved in some form of civic or organizational engagement when they were young. This is true for all types of activities except those related to religious organizations (Chart 4.4.4). Again, if the patterns of association between past and current involvement remains consistent in the years ahead, it is likely that a greater proportion of the next generation of seniors will be involved in community-level activities.

Chart 4.4.4 Percentage of people who were involved in an organization or who volunteered in youth, by type of activity, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.4 Percentage of people who were involved in an organization or who volunteered in youth, by type of activity, 2003

As a final point, it appears that seniors are slightly more likely to reduce their level of involvement over time (Chart 4.4.5). GSS respondents were asked if their involvement in organizations had increased, decreased or stayed the same over the past five years. Among those who were involved in at least one organization or group (excluding unions or professional associations), 36% of seniors aged 75 and over were most likely to say that their involvement had decreased in the past 5 years, in contrast to about 20% of 25- to 54-year-olds and about one-quarter of those aged 65 to 74. That being said, in 2003, 23% of 65-to-74-year-old members of at least one organization said that their involvement had increased in the past 5 years. Many seniors might reduce their level of organizational activity because of health reasons, but others might increase it given that they have more free time available after retirement.

Chart 4.4.5 Percentage of people who reported that their involvement in organizations had increased, decreased or stayed the same in the past five years, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.5 Percentage of people who reported that their involvement in organizations had increased, decreased or stayed the same in the past five years, by age group, 2003

Top of page

Volunteering

It is widely recognized that volunteering has significant positive impacts for communities (Hall et al. 2006). But volunteering is also increasingly considered as having positive effects on volunteers themselves, providing them with a sense of purpose and occasions to socialize. Some authors even propose that volunteering can foster greater physical and psychological well-being for individuals (e.g. National Advisory Council on Aging, 2005/06; Cromie, W.J., 1999).

According to the latest data from the Canada Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participating (2004), almost 12 million Canadians, or 45% of the population aged 15 and older, volunteered during the 12 month period preceding the survey.

The proportion of people who volunteer their time to charities or other non-profit organizations tends to decline with age. However, many seniors are actively engaged in volunteering activities, and this is especially the case among those aged 65 to 74: in 2004, 39% of them volunteered (Table 4.4.2).

Table 4.4.2 Volunteer rate and distribution of volunteer hours, by age group, 2004. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.4.2 Volunteer rate and distribution of volunteer hours, by age group, 2004

While they are slightly less likely to volunteer, seniors who volunteer are more likely to contribute a greater average number of hours to their activities. In 2004, senior volunteers aged between 65 and 74 contributed an average 250 hours of volunteer work. That is approximately 100 hours more than the average number of hours volunteered by 25- to 54-year-olds.

Top of page

Barriers to volunteering

Seniors who did not volunteer had somewhat different reasons for their abstention than younger persons. Among individuals aged 75 and over in 2004, the most common reason for not volunteering was that they had health problems or were physically unable, (at 71% compared to only 17% of non-volunteers aged between 25 and 54) (Table 4.4.3). In contrast, individuals aged between 25 and 54 years old who did not volunteer were much more likely to say that they lacked time (77% vs. 26% of seniors aged 75 and over).

Table 4.4.3 Reasons reported by non-volunteers for not volunteering, by age group, 2004. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.4.3 Reasons reported by non-volunteers for not volunteering, by age group, 2004

Since many seniors have contributed and given to their communities extensively over the course of their lives, it is not surprising that non-volunteering seniors were more than twice likely as their younger counterparts to say that they did not volunteer because they gave enough time already.

For seniors as well as younger persons, other frequently mentioned reasons for not volunteering included the inability to make a long-term commitment and a preference for giving money instead of time.

Top of page

Factors associated with volunteering

The analysis of the 2004 Canada Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participating (CSGVP) has shown that people who have a university degree are much more likely to be a volunteer (Hall et all., 2004). The same is true among seniors aged 65 to 74. In that age group, seniors with a university education were more than twice as likely to volunteer as those who did not complete high school, at 57% compared to 24%. (Chart 4.4.6).

Chart 4.4.6 Percentage of people who volunteered in the last year, by highest level of education and age group, 2004. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.6 Percentage of people who volunteered in the last year, by highest level of education and age group, 2004

Attendance at religious services has also been shown in the past to be strongly correlated with the likelihood of volunteering (Hall et al., 2004). For example, about 56% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 who attended religious services weekly had volunteered in 2004, compared to only 27% of those who rarely or never attended services (Chart 4.4.7).

Chart 4.4.7 Percentage of people who volunteered in the past year, by age group and frequency of attendance at religious services, 2004. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.7 Percentage of people who volunteered in the past year, by age group and frequency of attendance at religious services, 2004

The same association is observable among "near-seniors", i.e. those aged 55 to 64 years old. However, individuals in this age range are less likely to attend religious services weekly: only 26% compared with 40% of seniors aged between 65 and 74, according to the 2004 CSGVP. In sum, given the large number of university degree holders who will retire and/or become senior citizen in the years ahead, it is possible that the prevalence of volunteering will intensify among seniors.

Top of page

Organizational involvement, volunteering and social life

Not surprisingly, members of organizations are less likely to be socially isolated than non-members. In 2003, 43% of seniors aged 75 and older who were members of at least one organization said that they had six close friends or more, compared to 23% of those without any memberships (Chart 4.4.8). Similarly, the percentage of persons who said that they had 6 or more "other" friends was significantly higher among those who were active in at least one organization (Chart 4.4.9).

Chart 4.4.8 Percent of people who reported they have six close friends or more, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.8 Percent of people who reported they have six close friends or more, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003


Chart 4.4.9 Percent of people with six or more other friends, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.9 Percent of people with six or more other friends, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003

And among seniors aged 75 or older, only 9% of those who were members of or participants in an organization, compared to 25% of those who were not, said they had no close friends (Chart 4.4.10).

Chart 4.4.10 Percentage of people who reported that they don't have any close friends, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.4.10 Percentage of people who reported that they don't have any close friends, by age group and organizational involvement, 2003

Volunteering is also strongly associated with social connectedness. For example in 2003, only 5% of seniors who had done unpaid volunteer work did not have any close friends. Among seniors who did not volunteer in the previous 12 months, that proportion was more than 3 times greater (at 17%). Many factors can influence the likelihood of having no close friends (for instance, one's health or place of residence). It is also possible that seniors with more friends are also more likely to get involved in organizations or to volunteer. However, as the data suggest, participating in organizations or volunteering might be an occasion for seniors to make new friends.

Top of page

4.5 Political participation

For many citizens, active participation in society is synonymous with political action. Seniors are no exception. By taking part in the political debate, seniors can bring to the attention of public officials issues important to their well-being and to their communities. By exercising their right to vote, they may induce political parties to consider their needs in the formulation of social programs. A common view among political scientists is that "to the extent that citizen activity provides a critical channel for the expression of preferences, those who are less active pay a price in terms of representation" (Verba, Burns and Scholzman, 1997). Are seniors more or less likely than other age groups to participate in politics? When they participate, do they choose certain forms of political action rather than others? In this section, information is provided on the various types of political activities in which older persons take part.

Top of page

"Passive" political participation

One of the factors associated with active political involvement is, not surprisingly, interest in politics: this is itself influenced by many other factors like literacy skills and other personal resources (Verba, Scholzman and Brady, 1995). Individuals who report that they have searched for information on a political issue (or possible many issues) in the last year will not necessarily be active politically; however, they are probably more interested in politics than the average person.

In 2003, seniors were less likely to have searched for information on a political issue than 25- to 54-year-olds (17 and 26% respectively) (Table 4.5.1). This was particularly the case among those aged 75 and over, who were only half as likely as those in the 25 to 54 age group to have sought out information.

Table 4.5.1 Percentage of people who took part in political activity, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.5.1 Percentage of people who took part in political activity, by age group, 2003

Searching for information on a political issue is strongly associated with a person's level of education. The fact that the average level of educational attainment is lower among seniors helps to explain the gap between them and their younger counterparts. As a matter of fact, when level of education is taken into account, the differences between seniors and non-seniors become almost inexistent. For instance, among seniors who did not complete high school, the proportion of those who searched for information on a political issue was the same as that among 25- to 54-year-olds with the same level of education (9%) (Chart 4.5.1). Likewise, among those with a university degree, persons aged 65 to 74 were almost as likely to have searched information on a political issue as those aged 25 to 54 (38% versus 42%).

Chart 4.5.1 Percentage of people who searched for information on a political issue in the past year, by age group and level of education, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.1 Percentage of people who searched for information on a political issue in the past year, by age group and level of education, 2003

Interest in political and social issues can manifest itself in many ways, for example by following news and current affairs on a regular basis. In 2003, the great majority of seniors (89%) reported that they followed news and current affairs daily. This was the case for 68% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age range. Interest in the news is also related to education, as those with a higher level of education are more likely to keep up with the news every day. However, seniors at every level of educational attainment were more likely to report following the news daily than their younger counterparts. For example, 85% of seniors aged 65 to 74 who had not completed high school were up-to-date with the latest news, compared with 74% of adults between 25 and 54 who had completed a university degree.

Top of page

"Active" forms of political participation

Seniors are more likely to vote, at all levels of government, than younger persons. In 2003, close to nine out of ten persons aged 65 and over said that they had voted in the last federal election, while this was the case for about seven out of ten 25- to 54-year-olds. The same patterns were apparent for provincial and municipal elections.

Like the rest of the population, seniors are least likely to vote in municipal elections. However, they are significantly more likely to be regular voters, that is to vote every time they have the opportunity to exercise their right. For example in 2003, the share of seniors who said that they had voted in each of the last three elections (federal, provincial and municipal) was over twice as great as that of persons in the 25 to 34 age range (Chart 4.5.2). More precisely, 77% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 said that they had voted in the last federal, provincial and municipal elections, compared to only 34% of those aged 25 to 34.

Chart 4.5.2 Percentage of people who voted in the last federal, provincial and municipal elections, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.2 Percentage of people who voted in the last federal, provincial and municipal elections, by age group, 2003

Turning to other types of political activities, seniors, and particularly those aged 75 and over, are somewhat less likely to sign a petition, to boycott or to choose a product for ethical reasons, and to participate in a demonstration or a march. However with regards to non-voting political participation, younger seniors between 65 and 74 are somewhat different than "older" seniors aged 75 and over. For instance in 2003, the share of younger seniors who expressed their views by contacting a newspaper or a politician was no different than the share of 25- to 54-year-olds (14% and 13% respectively). However, younger seniors were much more likely than older seniors to do so (Table 4.5.1). Also, the share of younger seniors who attended a public meeting was significantly higher than that of older seniors, while not very different than the proportions reported by younger age groups.

Senior men and women are also somewhat different in terms of their political participation. For example in all age groups, men are more likely than women to attend public meetings and to contact newspapers or politicians to express their views (Charts 4.5.3 and 4.5.4). This difference is particularly large in older age groups. However, senior men are no more likely than senior women to vote and to sign petitions.

Chart 4.5.3 Percentage of people who attended a public meeting in the past 12 months, by age group and sex, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.3 Percentage of people who attended a public meeting in the past 12 months, by age group and sex, 2003


Chart 4.5.4 Percentage of people who expressed their views on an issue by contacting a newspaper or a politician, by age group and sex, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.4 Percentage of people who expressed their views on an issue by contacting a newspaper or a politician, by age group and sex, 2003

As mentioned above, interest in politics is strongly correlated with active participation. Those who follow news on a daily basis and who have searched for information on a political issue in the last year can be considered to be highly interested in political and social issues. According to this definition in 2003, about 19% of senior men and 13% of senior women could be defined as very interested in politic and social issues. Of those seniors aged between 65 and 74 who were highly interested in politics, 78% took part in at least one type of non-voting political behaviour, compared to 33% of those who were less interested in politics.

Top of page

Political participation and social life

Political participation, like participation in organizations, is another way of meeting new people and developing social ties. In 2003, General Social Survey respondents were asked if, in the last month, they had met at least one new person with whom they intended to stay in contact (excluding new people met at work or school). In all age groups, those who took part to at least one political activity (other than voting) were more likely to have met a new person in the last month (Chart 4.5.5). This was particularly the case among 65- to 74-year-olds. In that age group, 43% of those who had been engaged politically also said they had met one or more new persons in the last month, more than twice the proportion of seniors in the same age range (21%) who had not participated in any political activity.

Chart 4.5.5 Percentage of persons who, in the last month, met a new person they expect to stay in touch with, by age group and political participation, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.5 Percentage of persons who, in the last month, met a new person they expect to stay in touch with, by age group and political participation, 2003

Participation in political activity, and particularly attendance at public meetings, might also contribute to reinforcing neighbourhood ties (although strong neighbourhood ties might also foster participation in political activity). In 2003, those who had participated in a public meeting during the last year were significantly more likely to have received or given a favour from or to a neighbour than those who had not attended a public meeting (Chart 4.5.6).12 This was true of all age groups. It is however, impossible to draw a causal relationship between these two factors, since those who are more integrated into their communities (and more likely to help their neighbours) might also be more likely to participate in public meetings. However, the relationship appeared to be quite robust.13

Chart 4.5.6 Percent of people who reported that a neighbour had done a favour for them, by age group and public meeting attendance, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.5.6 Percent of people who reported that a neighbour had done a favour for them, by age group and public meeting attendance, 2003

Top of page

4.6 Trust and sense of belonging

Trust in institutions

Confidence is an positive ingredient in many aspects of social life. It is widely recognized, for example, that the confidence that people, investors, consumers and entrepreneurs have in the market is critical to the health and stability of the economy (trust in the value of money, positive expectations and confidence about future economic conditions, and so on). Confidence in the democratic system and its institutions is also viewed as a key factor for its viability; if citizens don't have confidence in public institutions, than the government's legitimacy and capacity to act might be jeopardized. Declining levels of trust in public and private institutions have been a concern in the recent years. Are seniors more or less likely than younger persons to trust the various institutions in the society?

In 2003, GSS respondents were asked about the level of confidence they have in various institutions.14 Seniors provided their most favourable assessment of the police, with 47% of them saying they have "a great deal" of confidence in the men and women in blue (Chart 4.6.1). Among 25- to 54-year-olds, the police were also the institution in which the greatest proportion of respondents had a great deal of confidence (35%).

Chart 4.6.1 Percentage of people who report they have a great deal of confidence in selected institutions, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.1 Percentage of people who report they have "a great deal" of confidence in selected institutions, by age group, 2003

Seniors also had a relatively positive assessment of banks, especially when compared with the somewhat less positive attitudes of 25- to 54-year-olds. About 34% of seniors aged 75 and over said that they have a "great deal" of confidence in banks, more than twice the proportion of individuals in the 25 to 54 age range (16%).

The difference between seniors and their younger counterparts in the extent to which they trusted the health care system was also significant. In 2002, some 30% of seniors aged 75 and over said they had a great deal of confidence in it, compared to 17% of those in the 25 to 54 age range. That said, most respondents reported that they either had "quite a lot" or "a great deal" of confidence in the health care system (see Table 4.6.1).

Table 4.6.1 Percent reporting that they have a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in various institutions, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Table 4.6.1 Percent reporting that they have a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in various institutions, by age group, 2003

The level of trust expressed toward the school system, the welfare system and the justice system (including the courts) varied less between age groups. For example, the proportion of seniors aged between 65 and 74 who expressed a great deal of confidence in the school system was not statistically different from the proportion of 25- to 54-year-olds.

Finally, seniors and their younger counterparts are not very different in the extent to which they trust the federal parliament. Even though seniors are significantly more likely to vote than younger persons (especially young adults), only 11% of individuals aged between 65 and 74 expressed a great deal of confidence in Parliament, compared to 8% of those in the 25 to 54 age range. In fact, overall, a majority of seniors and non-seniors reported that they had "not very much confidence" or "no confidence at all" in the Federal Parliament (see Table 4.6.1).

For many seniors, the health care system is the one institution with which they have the most interactions and that is most likely to influence their day to day life. While some three-quarters of seniors said that they had quite a lot or a great deal of confidence in the health care system, that level of confidence varied across the provinces (Chart 4.6.2). Seniors living in Québec and Ontario were most positive, with about four out of five seniors reporting having a great deal or quite a lot of confidence in it. In contrast, seniors in B.C. were much less confident; about 40% of them reported that they had "not very much" or "no confidence at all" in the health care system.

Chart 4.6.2 Level of confidence expressed by seniors toward the health care system, by region, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.2 Level of confidence expressed by seniors toward the health care system, by region, 2003

Top of page

Trust toward other persons

In recent years, there have been many discussions among social commentators, social science researchers, and policy analysts about the concept of trust. The basic idea is that in a society in which people trust each other (within reasonable limits since not everybody can be trusted), the transactions costs of the various aspects of social and economic life are dramatically reduced.

Respondents were asked: generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you cannot be too careful in dealing with people?

Overall, some 56% of all adult Canadians aged 25 and over believed that most people could be trusted. This proportion did not vary significantly with age. More precisely, some 56% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age range reported that most people could be trusted, compared to 53% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 and 54% of those aged 75 and older.

The level of trust expressed varied significantly with a person's level of education (Chart 4.6.3). Those whose highest level of education was less than high school were least likely to believe that most people could be trusted. For instance, in the 65 to 75 age range, 41% of seniors with less than high school believed that most people could be trusted; the remainder said that you cannot be too careful when dealing with people. In contrast, some 70% of seniors the same age but with a university degree reported that most people could be trusted.

Chart 4.6.3 Percentage of people reporting that most people could be trusted, by level of education and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.3 Percentage of people reporting that most people could be trusted, by level of education and age group, 2003

The level of trust expressed toward family members and that expressed toward strangers is, obviously, not the same. However seniors are, in both cases, more likely to report having a trusting attitude. In 2003, some 87% of seniors aged between 65 and 74, and 91% of those aged 75 and over, said that they placed a great deal of trust in the people in their family. In contrast, this was the case for 81% of 25- to 54-year-olds.

Very few individuals are likely to report that strangers can be trusted "a lot". Only 1% of 25- to 54 year-olds, but 6% of seniors aged 75 and over, thought so. Meanwhile seniors aged between 65 and 74 fall in between the two categories, at 3%.

Top of page

Trust toward neighbours

People spend a significant amount of their lives in their neighbourhoods, and the extent to which they trust their neighbours can have a significant impact on their quality of life.

In neighbourhoods where people trust each others, residents can be less worried about walking after dark, parents can be more inclined to let their children go out and play without an adult, and so on.

The proportion of seniors who said that they trusted their neighbours was significantly higher than that of their younger counterparts.

First, 56% of seniors aged 75 and over said that their neighbours could be trusted "a lot", compared to 24% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age range. To measure confidence in neighbours and other people in general, respondents were also asked: "If you lost a wallet or purse that contained two hundred dollars, how likely is it to be returned with the money in it if it was found by someone who lives close by?" The possible responses were "very likely", "somewhat likely" or "not at all likely". Some 58% of seniors aged between 65 and 74, and 61% of those aged 75 and over, believed it "very likely" that it would be returned, compared to 45% of 25- to 54-year-olds.

Individuals who trusted their neighbours were more likely than others to feel safe from crime if they went walking alone in their area after dark. For example, some 55% of seniors aged 75 and over who said that they trusted most of people in their neighbourhood also reported that they felt reasonably or very safe walking in their area after dark (chart 4.6.4). In contrast, 35% of seniors aged 75 and over who said that they could not trust most people would feel safe.

Chart 4.6.4 Percentage of people who report that they feel reasonably safe or very safe of walking after dark in their neighbourhood, by level of trust toward people in their neighbourhood and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.4 Percentage of people who report that they feel reasonably safe or very safe of walking after dark in their neighbourhood, by level of trust toward people in their neighbourhood and age group, 2003

Top of page

Sense of belonging

As illustrated in Chart 4.6.5 seniors are more likely than younger persons to report that they have a very strong sense of belonging to their local community, to their province, and to Canada.

Chart 4.6.5 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to their local community, to their province or to Canada as very strong, by age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.5 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to their local community, to their province or to Canada as very strong, by age group, 2003

It may be the case that younger people have always been less likely than older individuals to feel a strong sense of belonging, and in this respect, today's youth may be no different from previous generations. Alternatively, the association shown in Chart 4.6.5 may reflect generational differences, meaning that today's youth really are less likely to feel a sense of belonging and will continue to feel this way as they get older. A third hypothesis could be that individuals who have a weak sense of belonging to Canada, their province or their local community might be more inclined to leave than those with a greater sense of belonging, meaning that seniors who had weak sense of belonging when they when were younger had already left.

The association between age and the sense of belonging to the local community was apparent in all regions (Chart 4.6.6). However seniors residing in the various regions were not as likely to report a very strong sense of belonging. In 2003, 39% of seniors aged between 65 and 74 and living in the Atlantic Provinces described their sense of belonging to their local community as very strong, compared to 26% of seniors the same age but living in British Columbia.

Chart 4.6.6 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to their local community as very strong, by age group and province of residence, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.6 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to their local community as very strong, by age group and province of residence, 2003

Seniors living in Ontario were especially attached to Canada. Some 84% of those aged 75 and over described their sense of belonging to their country as very strong. In contrast, only 70% of seniors aged 75 and over living in Québec and 71% of those living in British Columbia expressed such a strong sentiment. It should be noted however that the difference between seniors living in Québec and those living in other provinces was much smaller than the difference between younger individuals living Québec and those in other regions.

Chart 4.6.7 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to Canada as very strong, by age group and region of residence, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.7 Percentage of people who describe their sense of belonging to Canada as very strong, by age group and region of residence, 2003

Sense of belonging to the local community has been identified, in recent years, as a significant correlate of health (Shields, 2005).15 This appears to be the case for seniors, as well as for younger persons (Chart 4.6.8). In 2003, about 44% of seniors aged 75 and over who reported that they had a strong sense of belonging to their local community also said that their health was very good or excellent, compared to 31% of those who said that their sense of belonging was weak or not very strong.

Chart 4.6.8 Percentage of people who report being in excellent or very good health, by sense of belonging to their local community and age group, 2003. A new browser window will open.

Chart 4.6.8 Percentage of people who report being in excellent or very good health, by sense of belonging to their local community and age group, 2003


Notes:

  1. McDonald, Lynn et Leslie Robb. 2004. « The Economic Legacy of Divorce and Separation for Women in Old Age » Canadian Journal on Aging. 23 (Supplement, 2004) : S83-S97.
  2. Berkman LF, Glass T, Brissette I, et al. 2000. « From social integration to health: Durkheim in the new millennium ». Social Science and Medicine 51(6) : 843-57.
  3. Kawachi I, Colditz GA, Ascherio A, et al. 1996. « A prospective study of social networks in relation to total mortality and cardiovascular disease in men in the USA ». Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 50(3) : 245-51.
  4. L. Richard, S. Laforest, F. Dufresne et J.P. Sapinski. 2005. « The quality of Life of Older Adults living in an Urban Environment: Professional and Lay Perspectives » Canadian Journal on Aging/La Revue canadienne du vieillissement 24 : 19-30.
  5. Respondents were also asked about people they knew from work and feel close to. Since most seniors are retired, they were not asked that question in the interview. For that reason, this information is not used in the presentation of the data.
  6. These tasks were: doing domestic work, home maintenance or outdoor work; providing transportation or running errands; helping with child care; teaching, coaching or giving practical advice; giving emotional support; helping in some other way.
  7. Source: General Social Survey, 2005.
  8. The average age for senior women living alone was 77.2 years old, compared to 75.6 years old for men.
  9. Those who have dexterity problems are those who are usually not able to grasp and handle small objects such as a pencil or scissors, OR those who require special equipment, for example, devices to assist in dressing because of limitations in the use of hands or fingers.
  10. If all seniors who received help for indoor housework are considered (instead of only those who were helped for a long-term health reason), the proportion of men who say that they were helped with indoor housework was higher than the proportion of women. Precisely, some 51% of senior men aged between 65 and 74 said that they were helped with these tasks, compared to 31% of women.
  11. Those who were only members or participants in a union or professional association were not considered as being engaged in an organization (since membership is not voluntary). While some persons can take an active role in their group, the majority of union members do not actively participate in their union.
  12. Examples of favours that were mentioned to the survey respondents included: picking up the mail, watering plants, shovelling, lending tools or garden equipment, carrying things upstairs, feeding pets when on holiday, and shopping.
  13. In a multivariate statistical model that included controls for the level of education, the place of residence, the sense of belonging to the local community, the length of residence in the community and the membership in an organization, the relationship between public meeting attendance and the likelihood of having done/received favours to/from neighbours remained significant (those who attended a public meeting were more likely to have done/received a favour).
  14. Specifically, they were asked whether they have a great deal of confidence, much confidence, or no confidence at all. Respondents responded to the question based on their own understanding of the term and were not provided with definitions of the term.
  15. Health Statistics Division, 2005 "Community Belonging and Self-perceived Health: Early CCHS finding" (Statistics Canada, catalogue no. 89-621XIE No.001).

 


Home | Search | Contact Us | Français Top of page
Date modified: 2007-02-27 Important Notices