A Portrait of Seniors in Canada

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Chapter 2. Health, wellness and security

2.1 Health and wellness
2.2 Financial well-being of seniors
2.3 Victimization

All chapters and sections of this report deal, in one way or another, with seniors' well-being. However, the three dimensions highlighted in this chapter are particularly crucial elements to seniors' quality of life.

Few people would disagree that physical and mental health, the broad topic of Section 2.1, is one of the most important determinants of an individual's well-being. Some would even argue that health is synonymous with well-being. In this chapter, the physical and mental health status of the current generation of seniors is compared to that of younger persons. Access to health services, as well as health-related behaviours (physical activity, smoking, alcohol consumption and nutrition), are also compared across age groups. Finally, information is provided about the health of the next generation of seniors -those who are now between 55 and 64 years of age.

Section 2.2 considers another important ingredient of wellness: financial security. Financial resources are not only related to health but also, like health itself, to the possibility of being active as an individual ages. Seniors, and particularly some sub-groups like senior women living alone, are at greater risk of financial insecurity than others in the society. Trends over time, as well as comparisons between age groups and between sub-groups of seniors, will be presented in this section.

Finally, Section 2.3 pays attention to a more specific aspect of individuals wellness: their security from crime.

2.1 Health and wellness

Good health and well-being of seniors is a fundamental objective for older Canadians as well as for society since active participation in their communities depends heavily on seniors' physical and mental health. In this section, various aspects of the health and well-being of seniors are examined, and comparisons are made with younger age groups. When possible, comparisons over time are also presented.

This section also highlights two factors which have been shown to affect the health of people in general: health-related behaviours and access to health services. It should be noted that other important factors also influence the health and well-being of seniors, for example level of education and literacy, social networks, social support and social participation. These topics are covered in other chapters of this report, in which relationships between various indicators of socio-economic status/social participation and health status are presented.

In the first part of this section, different aspects of seniors' physical and mental health, for example self-perceived health, prevalence of chronic conditions and psychological distress are presented. The last parts of the section provide information on health-related behaviours and access to health services.

General health status

Aging is associated, for most individuals, with a decline in general health and with the onset of different forms of activity limitations. However, data show that a large proportion of seniors still fare very well when compared with younger people.

Life expectancy

An increase in life expectancy is generally considered as positive news. In 1901, a woman born in Canada could expect to live, on average, until the age of 50, and a man until the age of 47 (Martel and Bélanger, 2000). In 2003, the life expectancy at birth for a Canadian was about 80 years (Table 2.1.1). Progress in increasing life expectancy has not ended yet; in a period of only four years, between 1997 and 2001, the life expectancy at birth increased by about one year. Younger and older seniors' life expectancy also increased during that short period of time (Table 2.1.2).

While most people view a longer life as desirable, a long life in good health is certainly a more important goal. In 2001, the expectancy of years in good health (or health-adjusted life expectancy) for people at age 65 was estimated at 12.7 years for men and at 14.4 years for women (Chart 2.1.1).¹

Income is one of the well-known factors associated with life expectancy in good health. In 2001, men aged 65 and over in the highest income tercile could expect to live 1.3 more years in good health than men in the lowest tercile (Chart 2.1.1). The difference between senior women in the lowest and highest tercile of income was smaller, at 0.5 years.

Mortality rates

Declines in mortality rates lead directly to he increases in life expectancy. (Mortality rates reflect the frequency of death at particular age groups.) Between 1991 and 2002, mortality rates declined significantly in all age groups except 90 years or older (Table 2.1.3). For all seniors except those in that age group, the probability of dying was smaller in 2002 than it had been just 11 years before. For example, for every 1000 persons aged 80 to 84 in 2002, 64.8 persons died in that year, compared with 73.8 persons in 1991.

New medical knowledge and technologies, public health measures, income support programs for the elderly and the better general health of the population as it ages can explain the decline in mortality over the last decade or so.

Causes of death

Cancer and heart disease are the main causes of death for seniors (Table 2.1.4). Between 2000 and 2002, deaths caused by cancer have increased slightly among seniors aged 85 and over (a rate of 2,064 per 100,000 in 2000 versus 2,121 per 100,000 in 2002), remained approximately the same in the 75 to 84 age range and declined non-significantly among younger seniors. Since death rates for all causes were declining at the same time, cancer represented a slightly larger proportion of deaths in 2002 than in 2000. For example, among persons aged 75 to 84, cancer was the cause of 28.8% of all deaths in 2000, compared to 27.8% in 2002. Among persons aged 65 to 74, cancer was the cause of 42.2% of all deaths in 2002, compared to 40.9% just 2 years before.

Senior men are more likely to die from cancer than senior women. In 2002, 996.6 per 100,000 men aged 65 to 74 died from cancer, compared to only 650.3 per 100,000 women in the same age group. The same pattern was evident in older age groups, and even more among persons aged 85 and over. Among the 85 years old and over, for deaths caused by cancer, the rate was 1.9 times greater for men than for women.

Between 2000 and 2002, the second main cause of death for seniors, heart disease, has declined (Table 2.1.4). This was true for men and women as well. The prevalence of influenza and pneumonia as causes of death also diminished significantly in the 2000 to 2002 period. For men aged 85 and over, the death rate from influenza and pneumonia declined from 806.9 per 100,000 in 2000 to 704 per 100,000 in 2002, a 13% decrease.

Cancer death rates and new cases of cancers

Table 2.1.5 presents cancer death rates by type of cancer. Malignant neoplasm of trachea, bronchus and lung are responsible for the greatest number of deaths. Death from that cause has increased from 2000 to 2002, especially for older men. In 2002, 599.2 per 100,000 men aged 85 and over died from a malignant neoplasm of trachea, bronchus and lung, while that rate was 530.6 per 100,000 men in 2000.

While prostate cancer for men and breast cancer for women are not the main causes of death, they are cancers most likely to be diagnosed among seniors (Table 2.1.6).

Self-perceived health

Self-perceived health is one of the most useful and reliable indicators available in population health surveys. It has been found to be as good as or better indicator of health status than measures such as functional ability, chronic diseases and psychological well-being (Lundberg and Manderbacka, 1996); it has also been shown to be a good predictor of chronic disease incidence, recovery from illness, functional decline and mortality (Idler and Benyamini, 1997).

Self-perceived health declines as people age - in other words, seniors are much less likely to describe themselves as being in very good or excellent health than their younger counterparts (Table 2.1.7). This is not surprising given the fact that physical problems tend to increase with age.² Still, a large proportion of seniors report they are in excellent or very good health: 37% in 2003. This compares with 63% of individuals in the 25 to 54 age group.

It is often taken for granted that today's seniors are in better health than their parents or grandparents. However, there were no significant changes from 1994 to 2003 in terms of self-rated health. In 1994/95, 24% of senior men aged 65 to 74 and 23% of women in the same age group reported having fair or poor health. In 2003, the proportions were essentially identical, at 23% of both senior men and women in the 65 to 74 age group. (Unfortunately, comparable data for years before 1994 are not available.)

One of the strongest socio-economic predictors of self-perceived health and other health indicators is level of education. In all age groups, the higher the level of education, the higher the likelihood of reporting an excellent or very good health (Chart 2.1.2). Some comparisons between age groups and across different level of education are particularly revealing. In 2003 for example, university degree holders aged 65 to 74 were more likely to be in excellent or very good health (58%) than 25- to 54-year-olds who had not completed high school (48%).

The next generation of seniors, that is those aged between 55 and 64, has significantly different characteristics than the current generation in terms of educational attainment. Between 1990 and 2005, the share of 55- to 64- years-old with a postsecondary certificate or degree increased from 7% to 19%³ (Chart 2.1.3). During the same period, the proportion of near-seniors with less than high school declined from 54% to 25%. Thus in the years ahead, as the first members of the baby boom generation turn 65 (in 2011), the proportion of seniors with some post-secondary education and with a university degree will increase considerably. If the positive correlation between the level of education and health remains the same in the coming years, it is likely that a greater proportion of seniors will state that they are in very good or excellent health in the future.

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Chronic conditions

Some chronic conditions are more likely to affect seniors while others, like asthma or back problems, are prevalent in all age groups (Table 2.1.8). Arthritis or rheumatism is the most frequently reported chronic condition among seniors. In 2003, 44% of 65- to 74-year-olds and 51% of those 75 and over reported having arthritis or rheumatism, with higher proportion of women affected than men.

High blood pressure was the second most common chronic condition among seniors. In 2003, more than 40% of seniors were affected by this disease. Women were particularly at risk: half of women aged 75 and over reported that they had been diagnosed with high blood pressure, compared with 37% for men in the same age group.

Obesity, a factor that is highly correlated with the probability of developing high blood pressure and arthritis (Wilkins, 2004), has been on the rise during the past years (Tjepkema, 2005). Unless that trend is reversed, the prevalence of these two chronic conditions will rise over the next years.

In 2003, about 79% of senior men and 84% of senior women had a vision problem of some sort (ranging from difficulty reading or watching television to more serious impairments such as being unable to see enough to drive) (Millar, 2004). Most of these seniors had their difficulties corrected; overall, only 4% of seniors had an uncorrected vision problem in 2003, a proportion that increased to 8% at age 80 or older.

Not all chronic conditions have the same repercussions on health; for the senior population, the diseases with the most serious impact on health-related quality of life were Alzheimer's disease, stroke, epilepsy, bowel disorders and urinary incontinence (Schultz and Kopec, 2002).

Activity limitations and dependence

Activity limitations are among the most important factors affecting a person's quality of life and the possibility of their full integration into society. Independence - an important concern for seniors - implies the ability to perform daily activities for oneself. Research has shown a strong positive relationship between self-perceived health and the potential to carry out daily activities without limitation or dependence on others (Shields and Shoostari, 2001).

In 2003, one in ten seniors aged 75 and over living in a private household needed someone else to help with their personal care such as washing, dressing, eating or taking medication (Table 2.1.9). Only one in 100 individuals aged 25 to 54 were in the same situation. However, the proportion of seniors who required help for personal care in 2003 was not significantly different from 1994/95.

Doing housework is the most problematic activity for seniors. In 2003, one-quarter of individuals aged 75 and over said that they needed help to do their everyday housework. It is not known, however, which types of housework seniors found the most difficult to accomplish alone. It is very probable that many seniors are able to do tasks requiring modest physical effort. On the whole, it appears that until age 75, almost all seniors are able to carry on daily activities on their own, including the preparation of meals. In general, seniors did not appear any more or less dependent on others in 2003 than they were in 1994/95.

As stated above, there are indications that dependence on others and/or the illness causing that dependence, has critical consequences for seniors' quality of life. Among those aged 65 and over who needed assistance to move inside the house, 15% said that they were dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with their life in general. This compares to only 3% for those who were able to move around their home. Seniors who needed the help of others for their personal care were also significantly more likely to report lower satisfaction with their life; in 2003, 12% of these individuals said they were dissatisfied or very dissatisfied with their life.

Difficulties in daily activities

An active participation in society might also be compromised if a person has difficulty hearing, seeing, walking, climbing stairs, bending, learning or doing similar activities. All these difficulties, if cumulative, can seriously compromise the quality of life for a person of any age.

Many types of physical and cognitive problems can limit seniors in their daily activities. Mobility difficulties are especially prevalent among older seniors, with 47% of persons aged 85 or over who either cannot walk or who require mechanical support/wheelchair or help from people to get around (Table 2.1.10). This was the case of only 8% of seniors aged 65 to 74. Hearing and seeing correctly, ability to resolve day to day problems and capacity to remember most things also became more difficult tasks among persons aged 85 and over.

On the other hand sleeping problems and feeling pain or discomfort were not as closely associated with age. About 26% of persons aged 55 to 64 reported having trouble going to sleep or staying asleep, compared with 32% of individuals aged 75 to 84.

Injuries

Compared to younger persons, seniors are much less likely to get injured - mainly because fewer seniors are taking part in activities in which the likelihood of getting injured is high. In 2000/01, 6% of males and 9% of females aged 65 to 79 were seriously injured; that is, they sustained an injury severe enough to limit their usual activities - a broken bone, a sprain, a bad cut or burn, or a poisoning, for example (Wilkins and Park, 2003). These rates were the lowest observed for all age groups in the population (Chart 2.1.4).

Falls were the leading cause of serious injury for the total population in 2000/01. Among seniors, 53% of injurious falls were caused by slipping, tripping or stumbling (on a non-icy surface). Also, 19% of individuals aged 65 and over who were injured in a fall said that they had slipped or tripped on ice or snow (compared to 13% of people aged 12 to 64).

Mental health

A positive outlook on life is a critical aspect of well-being. Generally speaking, mental health is intimately related to physical health. Not only is mental health a factor influencing physical health but it is also influenced by physical health itself (Beaudet, 1999). As people age, most individuals develop some physical health problems, which can have an impact on morale. Are seniors in a poorer psychological state than younger people? Many indicators, such as the level of psychological distress and well-being, show that it does not seem to be the case.

Psychological distress among seniors

Psychological distress includes feelings of nervousness, sadness, hopelessness, unworthiness, and other negative emotions. Psychological distress declines as people age (higher scores indicate higher level of psychological distress) (Chart 2.1.5). However, in the oldest age group of seniors (aged 75 and over), this declining trend reverses, and while the score for psychological distress is significantly lower than that for the younger population, it equals that for pre-seniors (ages 55 to 64). While resilience and life experience might favour the decrease in the level of psychological distress as people age, physical problems and the higher risk of social isolation might explain why people over 75 expressed higher distress scores.

A simpler way of examining the association between age and psychological distress is to observe the responding patterns on one item included in the psychological distress score - the frequency at which the persons felt sad or depressed in the last month. Younger persons (aged 25 to 54) were the most likely to report that they felt sad or depressed (a little of the time or more often) in the last month (47%). That proportion was lower in the 55 to 64 age group, and was at the lowest for persons aged 65 to 74; about a third (33%) of seniors in that age group said that they felt sad or depressed in the last month. Persons aged 75 and over were slightly less likely than those aged 65 to 74 to report that they felt sad or depressed none of the time in the last month.

Seniors level of well-being

The relationship between age and well-being (Chart 2.1.6) is very similar to that between age and psychological distress documented above. The well-being scale is a measure of an individual's feelings about various aspects of their life, such as the frequency with which they feel self-confident, satisfied with their accomplishments, loved and appreciated, have goals and ambitions, and so on.

In 2002, seniors were more likely than younger people to have higher scores on the well-being scale. This applied to men as well as women. However, the level of well-being was slightly lower among seniors aged 75 and over than 65- to 74-year-olds.

A good illustration of that is the distribution of responses across age groups for one of the items included in the well-being scale. Participants in the 2002 Canadian Community Health Survey of mental health were asked if, in the last month, they felt satisfied with what they were able to accomplish, they felt proud of themselves. Among individuals aged 65 to 74, 58% said that they were almost always satisfied and proud of themselves, compared to only 40% on those aged 25 to 54. On the other hand, seniors aged 75 and over were slightly less likely than those aged 65 to 74 to report that they were almost always satisfied or proud (55%).

Self-rated stress

Stress, when a person is not able to handle it effectively, has been shown to alter the immune response and influence the onset and progression of physical illness (e.g. Kiecolt-Glaser et al., 2002). The self-rated level of stress in the majority of seniors' lives is relatively low when compared to that in younger age groups (Table 2.1.11). In 2002, 63% of seniors aged 75 and over said that their life was not stressful at all or not very stressful; in contrast, only 27% of individuals aged 25 to 54 said the same thing.

Contrary to the two indicators of mental health presented above (psychological distress, well-being), there is no tendency for older seniors to express a higher level of stress than those in the 65 to 74 age group. In fact, stress continuously declines with age.

Not surprisingly, the sources of stress were somewhat different for younger and older persons. Among 25- to 54-year-olds, the major source of stress in their lives was work, while seniors reported that it was health (Chart 2.1.7). Interestingly, about a third of seniors aged 75 and over (33%) said that nothing in their lives was causing them stress.

Sense of mastery

Sense of mastery refers to the level of control a person feels they have over their life. People with a low level of mastery report, for example, that they have little control over the things that happen to them and that there is little they can do to change many of the important things in their lives. Mastery is an important psychological resource for a person. Research indicates that individuals with higher levels of mastery have greater success in the labour market (Dunifon and Duncan, 1998); mastery has also been reported to have a protective effect against early death (Pennix, van Tilburg, Kriegsman et al. 1997). Moreover, individuals with lower levels of mastery are at higher risk of depression (Beaudet, 1999) and are less efficient in managing stress (Ross and Broh, 2000). The concept of mastery encompasses the core value of seniors' independence, that is, being in control of one's life, being able to do as much for oneself as possible and making one's own choices.

Most people report that they have a somewhat high level of control over their lives (Table 2.1.12). However, this sense of control decreases significantly with age. Only 6% of individuals aged 75 and over had a high score on the mastery scale, compared to 24% of those aged 25 to 54. Many factors are associated with this phenomenon, including physical health status, low level of income and other factors associated with aging. But even after taking into consideration these indicators, age remains a significant correlate of a lower sense of mastery (Milan, 2006). It is possible that aging is associated with a more realistic evaluation of the possibility of being in total control of life. Alternatively, today's seniors might have been socialized in their youth to think that an individual's control over what happens in their life is not necessarily a consequence of their will but of external circumstances.

Health related behaviours

Certain behaviours - both present and past -- have been shown to have an impact on the quality of life and on the likelihood of healthy aging (Martel, Bélanger et al., 2005). They are sometimes referred to as "healthy lifestyles". Three different types of behaviours are examined here: physical activity, smoking and alcohol consumption. Obesity, an indicator of personal behaviour and a factor associated with the development of certain chronic conditions like high blood pressure, is also examined. Finally, the relationship between an individual's level of education of and the adoption of positive health-related behaviours is examined.

Consumption of fruit and vegetables

As acknowledged by Health Canada, "healthy eating is fundamental to good health and is a key element in healthy human development, from the prenatal and early childhood years to later life stages" ⁴. Fruit and vegetables consumption is a critical component of healthy eating and many studies have shown that eating sufficient quantities of fruits and vegetables on a daily basis can protect against the risk of developing cardiovascular disease and certain cancers (Steinmetz and Potter, 1996).

The Canada Food Guide recommends that an individual should eat between 5 and 10 servings of vegetables a day. In 2003, some 48% of seniors reported that they ate five or more servings of fruit and vegetables per day, compared to 39% of 25- to 54-year-olds. One previous study using Canadian Community Health Survey data from 2000/2001 also found that fruit and vegetable consumption was higher among seniors than among younger people (Pérez, 2002).

In every age group, women are more likely than men to eat the recommended number of servings of fruits and vegetables per day. However, the gender gap is smaller in the oldest age group: among seniors aged 75 and over, 52% of women ate five or more servings per day, compared to 45% of men.

Physical activity index

Physically active individuals are generally in better health and also have a greater chance of remaining so in future years. Among other positive outcomes, people who are physically active are less susceptible to a number of chronic conditions and emotional problems. Not surprisingly, older seniors are less likely than people in younger age groups to be physically active (Table 2.1.13). However, the differences between younger and older Canadians are not as great as they could have been expected to be. This is especially the case for men.

In 2003, 27% of men aged 65 to 74 were considered physically active in their leisure time, almost identical to the proportion of men in the 25 to 54 age group (26%). In contrast, a slightly greater proportion of women aged 25 to 54 (22%) than aged 65 to 74 (17%) were active.

After people reach their mid-70s, physical activity levels decline significantly. Two-thirds of individuals in the 75 and over age group were physically inactive, compared to half of people in the 25 to 54 age group. For many seniors, this decline in physical activity is a consequence of the onset of some disability or limitation.

A higher proportion of men than women are physically active. A striking observation is that the proportion of men aged 75 and over who were active (20%) was almost identical to the proportion of active women in the 25 to 54 age group (22%). And the proportion of men in the 65 to 74 age group who were either active or moderately active (53%) was greater than the proportion of active women in the younger age group (48%).

On a provincial basis, seniors in British Columbia were the most physically active (Table 2.1.14). One possible reason for higher level of physical activity in British Columbia is the more clement weather, which makes physical activities like walking for exercise or gardening easier to accomplish.

Obesity

In the past 25 years, the percentage of the population that can be considered obese has increased across all age groups (Chart 2.1.9). In 1978/79, only 11% of individuals aged 75 and over were considered obese; by 2004, that percentage had risen to 24%⁵.

While in younger age groups the prevalence of obesity is not different for men and women, some differences appear after age 75. In that age group, 19% of men and 27% of women were classified as obese. This disparity is consistent with the difference observed in the levels of physical activity for men and women aged 75 and over. While obesity can result from physical inactivity, it can reduce the possibility of engaging in these activities.

Smoking

It is a well-known fact that smoking is the number one cause of preventable death in Canada. Seniors are less likely than people in younger age groups to smoke regularly (Table 2.1.15). However, the difference in 2003 was less pronounced than it had been in 1994/95 as smoking became less and less prevalent in younger age groups.

In 2003, 11% of individuals aged 65 to 74 were daily smokers, compared to 14% in 1994/95. However, the proportion of seniors who had never smoked was higher in 1994/95 than it was in 2003. These changes over time are reflected in the proportions of individuals who are former smokers.

In all age groups, the proportion of former smokers was greater in 2003. This is especially true for women. In 2003, 43% of women aged 65 to 74 were former smokers, compared to 34% in 1994/95. This reflects the fact that smoking among younger women became much more popular in the late 1940s and 1950s (Health Canada, 2002).

While men aged 25 to 54 are more likely to smoke than women, this difference vanishes in the older age groups. That being said, the percentage of senior men who are former smokers is significantly higher than the proportion of women. In the 75 and over age group, almost three-quarter of men were former smokers in 2003, compared to only 40% of women.

Alcohol use among seniors

The proportion of regular drinkers in the population increased in every age group between 1994/95 and 2003. However, seniors are less likely than younger people to use alcohol regularly (Table 2.1.16). In 2003, 48% of seniors were regular drinkers, that is, they drank alcoholic beverages once a month or more (compared to 67% of individuals aged 25 to 54).

The regular use of alcohol cannot necessarily be considered an unhealthy behaviour since it can contribute to lowering the probability of developing certain illnesses and is associated with higher likelihood of reporting excellent or very good health (Shields and Shoostari, 2001). However, heavy drinking might be more problematic.

Heavy drinking can be defined as having had five or more drinks on one occasion at least once a month in the past 12 months. Seniors are much less likely than people in younger age groups to be heavy drinkers (Chart 2.1.10). In 2003, 12% of men aged 65 to 74 and 3% of women the same age were considered heavy drinkers. In contrast, 32% of men aged 25 to 54 and 11% of women in that age group can be considered as heavy drinkers.

Education and health-related behaviours

One of the most important factors associated with the adoption of a healthy lifestyle is educational attainment. Generally speaking, the higher the level of education, the lower the likelihood of smoking, being physically inactive, not eating enough fruit and vegetables and being a heavy drinker.

This relationship is clear and apparent in all age groups. For example, the proportion of physically active seniors with a university degree in the 65 to 74 age group was 63% (active or moderately active), compared to 40% for those who had not completed high school (Chart 2.1.11). Also, the proportion of highly educated seniors who smoked was lower than that of seniors with the lowest level of educational attainment (Chart 2.1.12). Finally, 55% of seniors aged 65 to 74 with a university degree ate five or more servings of fruits and vegetables per day, compared to 42% of those who had not completed high school (Chart 2.1.13).

However, the relationship of education to heavy drinking is not as clear as it is for smoking and physical activity (Table 2.1.17). In the 25 to 54 age group, 28% of individuals who did not complete high school were considered heavy drinkers, compared to 17% of those with a university degree. However, that relationship disappears in older age groups. Among seniors aged 65 to 74, there was no relationship between level of education and the likelihood of being a heavy drinker.

Again, these observations have consequences for future generations of seniors. As stated above and as detailed in Chapter 3, Section 3.1, the level of educational attainment in the baby boom generation is significantly higher than it is for the current generation of seniors. Therefore, if more educated persons retain their healthy habits as they age, two general effects can be anticipated: a lower proportion of smokers among seniors and a higher level of physical activity. However, it is not clear how the overall level of heavy drinking among seniors, which is somewhat low, will evolve in the years ahead.

Access to health services

Seniors' needs for medical services are, in general, higher than for younger people. Good access to health services is necessary not only in emergency situations but as a means of preserving good health.

On a broader scale, the aging of the population implies challenges to the health care system, which will be faced in the coming years with higher demand for services. Seniors not only use health care services more frequently, they also need different types of services. This section presents information on seniors' use of different services and their frequency of utilization. It provides information not only on seniors' well-being but on the types of health services that might be in greater demand as the population ages.

Seniors with a regular doctor

Medical follow-up is particularly important for seniors, so having a regular medical doctor, while an asset for all individuals, is crucial for seniors. In 2003, seniors were significantly more likely to have a regular doctor than people in the 25 to 54 age group (Table 2.1.18). This was true for all provinces and for Canada overall, especially in Québec, where only 70% of individuals aged 25 to 54 had a regular medical doctor compared to 93% of seniors in the 65 to 74 age group.

Frequency of medical doctor consultations

The frequency with which seniors visit medical doctors is, not surprisingly, much higher than for younger people.

In younger age groups, the frequency with which women consult a medical doctor is higher than for men (Table 2.1.19). However, as they age, men's rates of doctor visits become more and more similar to those of women. In 2003, 67% of senior men and 68% of senior women consulted a medical doctor three times or more in the year.

While many consultations with a medical doctor might be a sign of health problems, no consultations at all is not necessarily an indication that everything is fine. Individuals who never visit a doctor might not be aware of a problem that might develop in the future, or of an existing situation that could be aggravated if not taken care of immediately. In fact, the likelihood of losing their good health has been shown to be higher for seniors who did not see a medical doctor at all than for seniors who saw a doctor once or twice a year (Martel, Bélanger, Berthelot et al., 2005).

The proportion of individuals who had not seen a medical doctor in the past 12 months is significantly lower for older than for younger persons. In 2003, 10% of seniors aged 65 to 74 had not seen a doctor in the past 12 months, compared with 21% of individuals aged 25 to 54.

Seniors experiencing problems accessing the health services

Many of the health problems for which seniors consult their doctors are more serious than those for younger people. Hence, seniors facing problems accessing the health services they need might be particularly vulnerable. However, the proportion of seniors who reported problems accessing the health services was significantly lower than that for 25- to 54-year-olds (Chart 2.1.14).

There are some indications that in the younger age group, people with higher incomes are less likely to experience problems accessing the health care system (Chart 2.1.15). For seniors however, individuals in the lowest income quartile were not less likely than those in the highest income quartile to report having difficulties in accessing the health services they needed.

Seniors consulting various types of health professionals

Some health situations are associated with age (such as vision or hearing problems) while others are frequent across the various age groups (for example, back problems). These differences are reflected in the non-medical services to which seniors and non-seniors have access (Table 2.1.20).

Given the aging population, it is possible to forecast that the need for eye specialists will increase very significantly in Canada. In 2003, 54% of seniors aged 65 to 74 and 60% of those aged 75 and over consulted an eye specialist (Table 2.1.20). In contrast, only 33% of individuals aged 25 to 54 did so. Vision problems are almost inevitable with the process of aging, and the proportion of individuals who will require glasses will increase abruptly in 20 years, when one person out of five will be aged 65 and over.

Many individuals who try to prevent illness, to maintain or to improve their health use alternative health care services. Alternative medicine consists of treatments and health care practices that are not widely taught in medical schools, not routinely used in hospitals, and not typically reimbursed by health benefit plans (Millar, 2001). Alternative practitioners include massage therapists, homeopaths, naturopaths and acupuncturists, among others.

The proportion of individuals who made used of alternative or complementary medicine was significantly smaller in older than younger age groups (Chart 2.1.16). In 2003, only 5% of seniors aged 75 and over used alternative health care, compared to 16% in the 25 to 54 age group.

However, these differences between age groups are not necessarily a sign that the demand for alternative health services will decrease as the population ages. Today's seniors might have had less contact during their lives with alternative types of medicine, and so might be more reluctant to use it. In contrast, many aging baby boomers are likely to use or to have used alternative services. When they enter their senior years, and as they develop more health problems, alternative or complementary medical care could be a solution to which some of them turn. Also, individuals with higher incomes and higher levels of educational attainment - which will characterize a greater proportion of seniors in the years ahead - are generally more likely to use alternative medicine. Hence, the aging of the population might even mean that the demand for alternative or complementary medicine will increase in the coming years.

Insurance coverage

Seniors' needs for medication can be high, and costs can become very prohibitive for them. Insurance coverage often makes the difference in terms of disease prevention or access to health services.

In total, about 80% of seniors said that they were insured for prescription medications in 2003. This proportion was not significantly different than that for the 25 to 54 age group (Table 2.1.21). However, there were significant differences in term of insurance coverage for medications by provinces. In 2003, only 52% of seniors living in Saskatchewan and 60% of those living in Manitoba said they had their medications covered by insurance. That compared to 86% in Nova Scotia and 90% in Alberta (Table 2.1.22).

Seniors are somewhat more disadvantaged compared to the working-age group in terms of dental coverage. It is especially true for women. In 2003, 22% of women aged 75 and over were covered by insurance for their dental expenses, compared to 69% of women aged 25 to 54. The likelihood that seniors had insurance for dental expenses in their working years is somewhat low compared to the current generation of employees and workers.

As discussed above, seniors are very likely to be affected by vision problems. However, they are much less likely than individuals in the younger age groups to be covered by insurance. In 2003, 35% of seniors aged 65 to 74 had insurance for eye glasses or contact lenses, compared to 60% of those aged 25 to 54. Again, there were significant differences between provinces in terms of coverage. In Québec, only 18% of seniors had insurance for glasses or lenses. That was three times less than in New-Brunswick, where 52% of individuals aged 65 and over had insurance that covered vision problems.

Finally, individuals who were the least likely to require hospitalization were the most likely to have insurance for hospital charges. In 2003, about 67% of individuals aged 25 to 54 had insurance to pay their hospital expenses in case of need, compared to 41% of seniors aged 75 and over. Men seniors were slightly more likely than women seniors to be covered (45% versus 39%).

Age is not the only factor affecting the likelihood of being covered by insurance. In the senior's population, individuals with the highest level of income were also more likely to have coverage (Table 2.1.23 and Chart 2.1.17). For example, about two thirds of seniors in the highest income quartile had insurance for hospital charges, compared to only 24% of those in the lowest income quartile. The differences were smaller in terms of insurance for medical prescriptions but those who were in a less favourable position to pay for their medications (i.e. those in the lowest income quartile) were also the least likely to be covered by insurance.

Rising expenditure on health

In a recent study named "Shifts in spending patterns of older Canadians", Chawla (2005: 17) found that:

"Between 1982 and 2003, household expenditures on health rose because of increased premiums for government and private health insurance, and because of higher out-of-pocket expenses for treatments and medicines not covered by insurance.⁶ Households with a reference person 55 and over spent $7.2 billion in 2003 on health compared with $2.1 billion in 1982. And in both years, health insurance premiums accounted for 30% of these costs.

Since supplementary medical coverage through a private insurance plan is often a benefit of employment, the proportion of households covered under such schemes obviously declines between the 55-to-64 and 75-plus groups. For instance, for unattached women, it fell from 53% to 47% in 1982 and from 49% to 42% in 2003. Thus, not only are more households in the 75-plus group incurring more out-of-pocket health expenses, but also these direct costs constitute the lion's share of their health expenditure-for unattached women, the percentage grew from 78% in 1982 to 81% in 2003 while jumping for men from 63% to 75% (Table 2.1.24).

Besides health insurance, all households, irrespective of age, spent the most on prescribed drugs, and other medical equipment and appliances. After these two, the order of spending on dental services, eye care, and other health care and medical services varied across age groups-more in 1982 than in 2003. However, couples and unattached individuals in the 75-plus group in 2003 showed a consistent order of out-of-pocket spending on health: prescribed drugs, other medical and health care services, dental services, and eye care."

2.2 Financial well-being of seniors

Financial well-being is a critical ingredient for health, wellness and security for seniors and non-seniors alike. As stated in Planning for Canada's Aging population,⁷ "income is one of the most important health determinants and the basis of an individual's ability to access appropriate housing and transportation required to maintain independence; nutritious and sufficient food to maintain health; and non-insured medical services and supports such as medication and home support".

In this section, we examine the financial characteristics of Canadian seniors using a number of measures, including sources of income, wealth, incidence of low-income, food insecurity and expenditures. Emphasis is placed on changes over time. All income figures in this section are in constant 2003 dollars and are rounded to the nearest 100.

Amounts and sources of income

The financial situation of seniors in Canada improved significantly over the last 25 years.

Between 1980 and 2003, the average total before-tax income received by senior couples⁸ increased from $39,800 to $49,300, an increase of 24%. Their average total after-tax income increased by 18%, rising from $36,300 to $42,800 (Table 2.2.1). Considering senior couples at the mid-point of the income distribution, median after-tax income increased from $27,900 to $36,500, an increase of $8,600 or 31%. Across the provinces, median after-tax incomes of senior married couples ranged from $31,700 in Quebec to $41,400 in Ontario (Table 2.2.2).

The same upward trends were evident among seniors who did not reside with other family members. Between 1980 and 2003, the median after-tax income of unattached senior men increased by 43%, from $14,100 to $20,200 while that of unattached senior women increased by 42%, from $12,800 to $18,200 (Chart 2.2.1).

The incomes of seniors not only increased in absolute terms, but have also increased relative to the incomes of individuals in younger age groups. For every $1.00 received by a senior in 1980, an individual aged 35 to 44 received $1.57.⁹ By 2003, this differential had decreased to $1.29.

Improvements in the relative incomes of seniors were more evident among men than women (Charts 2.2.2 and 2.2.3). For every $1.00 received by senior men in 1980, men aged 35 to 44 received $2.06. By 2003, this differential had decreased to $1.59. Women in most age groups¹⁰ experienced considerable income gains through the 1980s and 1990s and the gains of seniors were more modest relative to women in younger age groups. For every $1.00 received by senior women through the 1980s, women aged 35 to 44 received $1.61. Through the 1990s and until 2003, this differential was $1.50.

The 'maturation' of the Canada and Quebec Pension Plans has been one factor contributing to the rising incomes of seniors. The C/QPP were implemented in 1966 and the first cohort of seniors to receive full benefits turned 65 in 1976. With the aging of successive cohorts of older Canadians, the share of seniors eligible for full C/QPP benefits has increased. Between 1980 and 2003, the share of senior men receiving income from C/QPP increased from 68.6% to 95.8% and the average amount received by recipients increased from $4,000 to $6,500 (Table 2.2.3). A larger change occurred among women as a result of their rising labour force participation rates. Between 1980 and 2003, the share of senior women receiving income from C/QPP increased from 34.8% to 85.8% and the average amount received increased from $3,100 to $4,900. Considering the total aggregate income received by all women aged 65 or over, the share received from C/QPP increased from 7.3% to 20.5% (Income chart 2.2.4). Among men, this share increased from 10.4% to 20.2% (Chart 2.2.5).

Improvements in the financial situation of seniors have also been the result of expanded coverage of private occupational pension plans and improvements in the features of such plans. Private occupational pensions were expanded through the 1950s and 1960s, reaching a coverage rate for paid workers of 40% in 1970. Cohorts retiring as late as 1980 were unlikely to have significant years of contribution since they had entered the labour market in the 1930s and 1940s. In contrast, coverage was wider among subsequent cohorts, who also made contributions over a greater portion of their working lives. Consequently, between 1980 and 2003 the proportion of men aged 65 or older receiving 'retirement income' from pensions and other private sources increased from 39.8% to 69.8% and the average amount received by recipients increased from $10,700 to $17,900. (The vast majority of 'retirement income' (over 90%) is received from private pensions while the remainder is primarily comprised of income from Register Retirement Savings Plans.)¹¹ Similarly, the share of women aged 65 or older receiving retirement income more than doubled (from 19.7% to 53.0%) and the average amount received increased from $6,900 to $10,200. As shown in Chart 2.2.5, the share of total aggregate income senior men received from retirement income increased from 16.2% to 40.5% between 1980 and 2003, while the share received by senior women increased from 9.0% to 26.3%.

Considering other income sources, over 95% of seniors receive income from Old Age Security (OAS), the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) or Spouses Allowance (SPA). The share of total aggregate income received from these sources has declined since the early 1980s as income from public and private pensions increased. Nonetheless, OAS, GIS and SPA still accounted for the largest share of income received by senior women in 2003 (31.7%).

The share of total aggregate income received from investment income¹² declined precipitously since the early 1980s, in large part because of the drop in interest rates over this period.¹³

Finally, between 1980 and 1992 the share of men aged 65 or older receiving earnings declined from 24.2% to 12.7% reflecting the trend towards retirement at younger ages. However, by 2003 this share had rebounded to 25.1% (Table 2.2.3). The labour force participation rate of senior men increased since the mid-1990s (see Chapter 3, Section 3.2). But while the share of senior men with earnings increased through the 1990s, average earnings did not. In 2003, their average earnings (at $9,900) were less than half of what they were in 1980, at $24,800. The increasing prevalence of part-time and part-year employment may have contributed to this trend.

Low income

Rising income levels among seniors have benefited those in lower income categories, contributing to a well-documented decline in the incidence of low-income among seniors in Canada. Measures of 'low-income' are intended to identify individuals and families who are substantially worse off financially than others in the population.

The incidence of low-income can be measured in a number of different ways, but all show the same downward trend since the early 1980s. Between 1980 and 2003, the share of seniors in low income declined from 34.1% to 15.1% when measured using the Low-Income Cut-Off before taxes (LICO) and from 21.3% to 6.8% when measured using the Low-Income Cut-Off after taxes (LICO-IAT - see Chart 2.2.6). These trends were not simply the result of moving large numbers of seniors from just below to just above the low-income cut-offs, as the income gains among lower income seniors were substantial. (Myles, 2000).

The decline in the incidence of low income has been evident among seniors in all types of living arrangements, although the incidence remains highest among senior women living alone (Tables 2.2.4 and 2.2.5). Across the ten provinces, the incidence of low income among seniors is highest in British Columbia and Quebec (Table 2.2.6).

Low income from an international perspective

From an international perspective, the incidence of low-income among seniors is now lower in Canada than in most other industrialized countries, including Sweden, the United States and the United Kingdom (Table 2.2.7). This is a marked change from the 1970s when the incidence in Canada was among the highest of the industrialized countries. The 'maturation' of Canada 's public pension system, as discussed above, has been a key factor underlying this change (Picot and Myles, 2005).

The duration of low-income

Being in low-income on a continuous and ongoing basis has more negative implications than being in low-income for a short period of time (e.g. McDonough and Berglund, 2005). In this context, the duration of low-income is an important consideration.

Over the six year period from 1996 to 2003, 13.7% of seniors fell below the after-tax LICO during at least one year (Table 2.2.8). Just over 4% of seniors were below the after-tax LICO for all six years, while just over 6% were below the LICO for four years or more. There is no standard definition of 'persistent low-income', but if this is defined as being below the after-tax LICO for at least four years over a six year period, then about one-in-twenty seniors was 'persistently low-income' through the late 1990s. If before-tax LICOs are used, then one-in-six seniors (16%) was 'persistently low-income' over this period.

Food insecurity

Food insecurity means that the availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods is limited or uncertain, or the ability to acquire food in socially acceptable ways is limited and uncertain. In 2000/01, food insecurity affected a smaller proportion of persons aged 65 and over (7%) than persons aged 25 to 44 (18%) or aged 45 to 64 (12%) (Table 2.2.9). In part, this may reflect the fact that seniors generally do not have responsibilities for children in the household.

Wealth

Improvements in the financial characteristics of seniors are not only evident in terms of the annual income, but also in terms of their wealth, defined as total assets minus total debts. Between 1984 and 1999, the median wealth of families headed by someone aged 65 or older increased from $80,800 to $126,000, a gain of $45,200 or 56%. The median wealth of families headed by someone aged 55 to 64 increased by 19.4%, while the median wealth of families headed by someone under age 55 declined over this period (Table 2.2.10). Increases in the median wealth were evident among seniors residing alone (at 69.2%) as well as among married couples (46.6%).

Home ownership

For many Canadians, their home is one of their largest assets and since the early 1980s the share seniors with such an asset has increased (Table 2.2.11). Among senior households headed by someone aged 65 to 74, the share residing in owned accommodation increased from 66.1% to 75.4% between 1981 and 2001, while the share in rented accommodation declined from 33.9% to 24.6%.¹⁴ A comparable change in ownership status was evident among households headed by seniors aged 75 to 84, but not among those headed by someone aged 85 or older. While most senior households who own their home are mortgage-free, the share with a mortgage increased between 1981 and 2001.

Expenditures

Given that the incomes of seniors have increased over the past 20 years, what are they doing with their money? To address this question, we turn our attention to their expenditures.

Considering married couples aged 65 to 74, 16 cents of every dollar received in 2003 was spent on income tax, 74 cents was spent on personal consumption, 3 cents was spent on each of security and gifts/contributions, and 4 cents was saved (Table 2.2.12). Couples in this age group spent larger shares of their income on personal consumption and income tax in 2003 than they did in 1982. This was also the case for seniors in other age groups and living arrangements. A recent study showed that Canadians in general are spending more and saving less than they did in the past (Chawla and Wannell, 2005).

Unattached senior women spent more of their income on personal consumption than unattached senior men and married couples. Because the incomes of unattached women were lower than those of other demographic groups, accommodation took a bigger proportional bite out of their income while income taxes took a smaller bite.

Accommodation, transportation and food account for about two-thirds of each consumption dollar spent by senior households (Table 2.2.13). Recreation, household operations and health care expenditures account for about 15 to 20 cents of each consumption dollar.

Between 1982 and 2003, there were some noticeable changes in the allocation of seniors' consumption patterns. Among couples and unattached individuals, the share of each consumption dollar spent on clothing decline by about 1 or 2 cents, and the share spent on food declined by about 4 to 9 cents. The incomes of seniors increased over this period and because an individual can only eat so much, the share allocated to food declined. In addition, some of the reduced expenditure on food and clothing may be attributed to a drop in prices for these products brought about by increased competition in the retail and wholesale markets, the opening of discount outlets, and changes in tariffs and quotas on imports.

Seniors spent larger shares of their consumption dollars on other items. The share of each dollar spent on health increased by about 3 to 5 cents between 1982 and 2003, depending on age and family type. Health insurance premiums accounted for the largest share of these costs, followed by prescription drugs, medical equipment and appliances, dental services, eye care, and other health care and medical services.

Finally, seniors spent a larger share of their consumption dollar on recreation in 2003 than they did in 1982, with an increase of about 2 to 4 cents of each dollar.

Inflation and seniors

Given that the consumption patterns of seniors and non-seniors differ and that prices for different types of products vary, a question that arises is whether inflation affects seniors differently than the rest of the population.

Separate consumer price indices can be constructed for the senior and non-senior populations based on the consumption patterns of each group (Chiru, 2005). Between 1992 and 2004, the growth rate of the consumer price index (CPI) for seniors generally followed the changes of the CPI for non-seniors households. In some periods, prices increased at a faster rate for seniors while at other times they increased faster for non-seniors. Overall, the evidence indicates that the consumer price index released monthly by Statistics Canada is a good indicator of the changes in prices for the seniors population.

Satisfaction with finances

We now turn to the subjective assessments that seniors have of their financial situation.

The transition from work into retirement is a key step in the life course and involves financial changes. Whether or not individuals and families are able to maintain their standard of living after retirement is an important issue. To gauge the success of individuals in this respect, the 2002 General Social Survey asked retirees if their financial situation was better, worse or about the same in retirement as it was in the year prior to retirement. Considering recent retirees,¹⁵ just over half (54%) said their financial situation was 'about the same,' while 13% said their financial situation had improved (Table 2.2.14). One-third said their financial position had worsened.

Involuntary retirees (that is, those who did not want to retire) and individuals who were in fair or poor health when they retired were more likely than other individuals to say their financial situation had worsened. Involuntary retirees most often left the labour force because of health problems. Individuals in households with lower incomes were most likely to say their financial situation had worsened, with 44% of those in households with incomes under $20,000 saying this was the case compared with 25% of those in households with incomes of $60,000 or more. Almost half of recent retirees who were immigrants (45%) said their financial situation had worsened compared with 30% of recent retirees who had been born in Canada.

Looking at the financial situation of seniors more broadly, seniors have more positive assessments of their finances than individuals in younger age groups. This is the case within all income categories. In a 2003 survey, respondents were asked to rate their satisfaction with their finances on a scale of 1 to 10, where 10 represents the highest level of satisfaction. Among individuals aged 65 to 74 with total household incomes of less than $30,000, the average level of financial satisfaction was 6.1, compared with a score of 5.1 among individuals aged 25 to 54. The same pattern is evident within higher income categories. Similar findings have been reported in previous research.

2.3 Victimization

Ensuring that seniors are not victims of crime either from within or outside of their family is an important consideration, especially given the aging of the Canadian population. In this section we examine the extent to which seniors are victims of crime and the extent to which they feel safe and secure in their communities.

Information is first presented on violent incidents that were reported to police. Statistics Canada 's Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR2) Survey compiles information provided by 122 police services representing 61% of the national volume of crime in Canada in 2003. This information provides an understanding of the victim, accused and incident characteristics of family-related violence against seniors. In addition, information is drawn from the Homicide Survey.¹⁶ However, not all crimes experienced by individuals are reported to the police. In the second half of the section, self-reported victimizations of crime are presented. These self-reports are drawn from Statistics Canada's 2004 General Social Survey, which asked non-seniors and seniors whether they had been the victim of a crime in the previous year.

Senior victims of violent crime

Consistent with previous years, persons aged 65 years and over were the least likely age group to be victims of violent crime in 2003. Older male victims were victimized at a rate of 184 per 100,000 and females at a rate of 119 per 100,000 population.

In 2003, just under 4,000 incidents of violence against persons aged 65 or older were reported to 122 police services in Canada (Table 2.3.1). Over one-quarter (29%) of these reported incidents were committed by a family member, so throughout this section information is presented on incidents committed by family members and by persons outside the family.

These reported violent incidents were perpetrated almost equally against senior women (46%) and senior men (54%). Just under two-thirds of them (63%) were committed by persons from outside of the family, most often a stranger (34%) or a casual acquaintance (19%), while over one-quarter (29%) were committed by a family member.¹⁷

Senior women were more likely than senior men to be victims of family violence. Of the seniors who were the victim of a violent incidence in 2003, four out of ten women (39%) were victimized by a family member compared with two out of ten men (20%).

Common assault was the most frequently reported violent incident against seniors in 2003, accounting for 40% of all violent offences (Table 2.3.2). Common assaults include behaviours that do not result in serious injury, such as pushing, punching and slapping, and threatening to apply force. Common assault accounted for 55% of the offences committed by a family member and 33% of the offences committed by someone from outside the family.

Male adult children and spouses were most often accused in family-related violence of seniors. One-third of the accused were adult male children (33%), followed by male spouses (current and ex-spouses - 30%) and extended male relatives (15%), such as brothers and uncles. The average age of spouses accused of victimizing their partners was 66 years of age, while the average age of adult children was 40 years of age.

The majority of family-related assaults of seniors took place in their home, and the victim and accused were often sharing living quarters. About eight out of ten older victims assaulted by an adult child were living with the assailant.

Robbery was the second most frequently reported incident, accounting for 19% of all incidents (Table 2.3.2). Robbery accounted for only 1% of the offences committed by a family member but for 28% of the offences committed by others. Uttering threats and major assault accounted for 18% and 12% respectively of the victimizations against seniors.

In 2003, over one third of senior victims sustained a minor injury (36%) as a result of an offence perpetrated by a family member. Major physical injury was experienced by 3% of senior victims. Female and male victims aged 65 or older were about equally likely to sustain some form of injury (41% and 37% respectively).

Homicides against seniors

In 2004, there were 50 homicides (23 men and 27 women) committed against seniors, representing about 8% of all homicides in Canada. Eighteen of these homicides were committed by a family member and 25 were committed by a non-family member. Police reported the remaining seven homicides as unsolved.

Despite annual fluctuations, the rate of homicide against seniors was lower through the 1990s and 2000s than it was through the 1970s and the 1980s (Chart 2.3.1). Between 1974 and 1979, the average annual rate of homicide against seniors was 21.5 per million; through the 1980s the rate was 18.1 per million seniors; through the 1990s it was 12.6 per million; and between 2000 and 2004 it was 10.7 per million.

Older women are more likely to be killed by a family member than older men. Among solved homicides between 1994 and 2003, more than two-thirds (67%) of older females were killed by a family member, usually a spouse (29% of all senior female homicides) or an adult son (24%). On the other hand, half (49%) of older men were killed by an acquaintance, usually by someone who the victim knew on a casual basis (25% of all senior male homicides) or a neighbour (11%). Among the 31% of older male victims who were killed by a family member, about half were killed by their sons.

The motive underlying homicides against seniors differed depending on whether the accused was related to the victim. Between 1994 and 2003, family-related homicides against seniors most commonly resulted from the escalation of an argument or quarrel (29%). Frustration, anger or despair accounted for another 26% of homicides. On the other hand, homicides perpetrated against older adults by non-family members were most often motivated by financial gain (31%).

Many homicides committed against seniors stemmed from a history of prior abuse. Between 1994 and 2003, police reported a history of family violence among 32% of family-related homicides against seniors.

Seniors who were victims of a crime

We now turn our attention to self-reported incidents of crime drawn from Statistics Canada's General Social Survey. It is important to note that the incidence of crime derived from self-reports are different from the incidence derived from police reports for a number of reasons.¹⁸

Seniors are less likely to be victims of crime than individuals in younger age groups. In 2004, 9.8% of Canadians aged 65 or older said they had been the victim of a crime in the past year compared with 31.5% of individuals aged 35 to 44 and 42.5% of persons aged 15 to 24 (Table 2.3.3). Senior men were slightly more likely than senior women to have been the victim of a crime, at 11.6% and 8.5% respectively.

Individual victimization rates¹⁹

Victimization rates are another way to measure crime. They show the number of criminal incidents experienced for each 1,000 people in a given population.²⁰ As shown in Chart 2.3.2, the victimization rate for violent crimes, such as assault, sexual assault and robbery, was highest for persons aged 15 to 24, at 226 incidents of violent crime for every 1,000 persons in this age group. The victimization rate declines steadily across older age groups, and was 12 violent incidents per 1,000 persons aged 65 or older.

The victimization rate for theft of personal property also declines across age groups (Chart 2.3.3). Among persons aged 65 or older, there were 22 incidents of theft of personal property per 1,000 persons in this age group, compared to a rate of 165 among persons aged 15 to 24.

Spousal violence

Overall, 2% of women and men in a current relationship or who have a previous partner experienced some type of spousal violence in the past 12 months. This translates into an estimated 196,000 women and 173,000 men in Canada 15 years of age and older.

Spousal violence affects all socio-demographic groups. However, there are certain segments of the population that are more vulnerable to spousal violence than others: those who are young, who live in a common-law relationship, who have been in the relationship for three years or less, who are Aboriginal, and whose partner is a frequent heavy drinker.

Age is strongly associated with spousal violence. According to the 2004 General social survey, it is evident that individuals under the age of 25 are more likely than those who are older to be victimized by their intimate partner. Rates of spousal violence were lowest among those 65 years of age and older where only 1% of those in a marital or common-law relationship experienced any type of violence by a partner in the past 12-month period.

Partner's age is also a factor associated with risk of spousal violence. Similar to the victim's age, those whose partner is under the age of 25 (5%) are more likely to experience violence than those whose partner is older than 25.

Perceptions of local police

Compared with individuals under the age of 45, seniors generally have more positive assessments of the job done by their local police, although they have similar views to those aged 45 to 64 years of age. About two-thirds of seniors believe that their local police are doing a good job enforcing the laws, ensuring the safety of citizens and treating people fairly (Table 2.3.4). Smaller shares of individuals under age of 45 years believe that the local police are doing a good job in these respects. Similarly, seniors are more likely than younger individuals to believe the local police are doing a good job in responding promptly to a call, in being approachable and supplying information on reducing crime.

Notes:

1. Health-adjusted life expectancy is a more comprehensive indicator than that of life expectancy because it introduces the concept of quality of life. Health-adjusted life expectancy is the number of years in perfect health that an individual can expect to live given the current morbidity and mortality conditions. Health-adjusted life expectancy uses the Health Utility Index (HUI) to weight years lived in good health higher than years lived in poor health.
2. A study has shown that when physical status, socio-economic variables, health behaviours and psycho-social characteristics were taken into account in a multivariate statistical model, the negative relationship between age and self-perceived health largely disappeared. See: Shields and Shoostari, 2001).
3. Statistics Canada. 2005. Labour Force Survey.
4. Health Canada Website, April 2006: http://www.hc-sc.gc.ca/fn-an/nutrition/index_e.html.
5. Overweight and obesity are based on body mass index (BMI), which is a measure of an individual's weight in relation to his or her height. BMI is calculated as follows:
   BMI=weight(kg)/height (metres)²
   A body mass index (BMI) of 30 or more indicates that a person is obese.
6. The Survey of Household Spending does not collect information on the cost of treatment provided by doctors or hospitals under provincial health insurance schemes. Instead, it asks about expenses such as government or private insurance health premiums, prescription drugs, dental and eye care, and services provided by other medical professionals.
7. A framework prepared by the Committee of Officials for Federal/Provincial/Territorial Ministers Responsible for Seniors. Planning for Canada's Aging Population, 2005.
8. Married couples in which the major income earner is 65 years or older. For data prior to 1996, the head of family is 65 years or older. Throughout this section, senior married couples are those in which children or other relatives are not present.
9. These figures refer to the average income before tax received by income recipients. Cansim Table 202-0407.
10. Income gains were negligible among youth over this period. Between 1980 and 2003, the average income of female income recipients aged 25 to 34 increased by 4% while the average incomes of female income recipients aged 35 to 44 increased by 33%.
11. Cansim Table 111-0035.
12. Investment income includes dividend income reported on line 120 of the tax return, and/or interest and other investment income reported on line 121 of the tax return. Dividend income consists of dividends from taxable Canadian corporations (as stocks or mutual funds). Interest and other investment income includes interest from Canada Savings bonds, bank accounts, treasury bills, investment certificates, term deposits, earnings on life insurance policies, and foreign interest and dividend income.
13. The trend-setting rate set by the Bank of Canada was 13.96% in 1982 compared with 3.19% in 2003. The bank rate affects not only the rate households pay on personal loans, mortgages and other loans, but also what they receive as return on their savings and investments.
14. 1991 and 2001 figures excludes band housing. In 1981, information was not available to separately identify band housing.
15. Recent retirees are defined as individuals who retired during the years 1992 to 2002 inclusive and who were 50 years of age or older when they first retired.
16. The Homicide Survey collects police-reported data on the characteristics of all homicide incidents, victims and accused persons in Canada. The Homicide Survey began collecting information on all murders in 1961 and later added data collection on all manslaughters and infanticides in 1974. When a homicide becomes known to police, the investigating officer completes a Homicide Survey and forwards this information to the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics. The Homicide Survey represents a complete count of the number of homicides known and reported by police services in Canada.
17. In the remaining 8% of cases the relationship between the victim and the accused was unknown.
18. For example, when individuals do not report incidents to the police, those incidents will not be reflected in police-report based incidence figures. For further discussion of these reasons, see Statistics Canada, An overview of the differences between police-reported and victim-reported crime, 1997. Cat. no. 85-542-XIE.
19. It should be noted that while residents of institutions are also at risk of being victim of a crime, they are not included in the calculation of these victimization rates.
20. If 100 people out of a total population of 1,000 people were the victim of at least one crime, the percent who were victims would be 1%. If each of those victims had experienced 3 crimes, the victimization rate would be 300 per 1,000, while the percent who were victims would still be 1%.