Part 1 – First Nations children living off reserve

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Introduction
Young First Nations children and their families
Feelings about community
Child care arrengements
Summary

Introduction

In 2006, the Census enumerated about 47,000 First Nations children under the age of six years living off reserve in Canada⁶. The majority (78%) of off-reserve First Nations children were in urban areas (46% were in census metropolitan areas and 32% were in smaller urban centres). The remaining 22% were living in rural areas.

About two-thirds (67%) of First Nations children living off reserve were registered or treaty Indians. There are some differences in characteristics between off-reserve First Nations children with registered Indian status and those without registered Indian status. For example, in 2006, higher percentages of off-reserve First Nations children with registered Indian status had knowledge of an Aboriginal language, were living in low-income economic families, and were living in lone-parent families compared to off-reserve First Nations children without registered Indian status (2006 Census). Differences in findings for these two groups are included throughout the report. (For more information regarding Registered or treaty Indians, see text box: Registered Indian status).

This section examines some aspects of the family and community life of First Nations children under six years old living off reserve.

Young First Nations children and their families

Family size

Large families in Canada are becoming increasingly less common (Canadian Council on Social Development, 2006). This is not the case for some First Nations families living off reserve. Census data reveal that about 17% of young First Nations children were living in families with 4 or more children, compared to 8% of non-Aboriginal children under the age of six. (chart 1.1)

A higher percentage of off-reserve First Nations children with registered Indian status (20%) were living in families with 4 or more children compared to those without registered Indian status (12%).

Age of parents

The Census shows that off-reserve First Nations children are being raised by younger parents than non-Aboriginal children. According to the 2006 Census, 27% of off-reserve First Nations children under six years old had mothers between the ages of 15 and 24; this is compared to 8% of non-Aboriginal children.

Among off-reserve First Nations children under the age of six, 29% of those with registered Indian status and 23% of those without registered Indian status had mothers between the ages of 15 and 24.

Living arrangements for young First Nations children living off reserve

According to the 2006 Census, 52% of First Nations children living off reserve were living with two parents. A larger percentage of First Nations children were living in lone-parent households compared to their non-Aboriginal counterparts (41% compared to 13%). (chart 1.2)

For the Aboriginal Children's Survey, the parent or guardian responded to the survey. For the majority of First Nations children (89%), this person was the birth mother or father. The remaining 11% included: grandparents (4%), foster parents (3%), and adoptive parents (2%). A comparable survey of the general population is the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth (NLSCY)⁷. In this survey, the parent or guardian was the birth mother or father in 98% of cases (2004/2005).

Across the generations: Living with grandparents

According to the 2006 Census, 9% of off-reserve First Nations children under the age of six were living with their grandparents compared to 5% of non-Aboriginal children. (table 1.1)

Persons involved in raising First Nations children

In the 2006 ACS, 90% of First Nations children had parents or guardians who reported that they were not the only person involved in raising the child.

Mothers were most commonly reported as being involved in raising the child (93%) followed by fathers (72%) and grandparents (44%). More than one-quarter (28%) of First Nations children had relatives (such as siblings, cousins, aunts and uncles) playing a part in raising them. (table 1.2)

The 2006 Aboriginal Children Survey (ACS) asked parents of off-reserve First Nations children about the frequency of focused attention that children received from parents, grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, elders and siblings; that is, how often the child and different people in their lives "talk or play together, focusing attention on each other for five minutes or more".

First Nations children were most likely to receive focused attention at least once a day from their mothers (93%), followed by siblings (69%), fathers (64%) and grandparents (27%). Most First Nations children received focused attention from their extended family at least once per week (combination of daily and weekly) – 67% from grandparents, 55% from aunts and uncles, and 45% from cousins. (table 1.3)

Young First Nations children living in low-income economic families

Statistics Canada uses several different measures of low-income, including the low income (before tax) cut-off (LICO)⁸. In 2006, 49% of off reserve First Nations children under the age of six were in low-income families, compared to 18% of non-Aboriginal children.

The percentage of First Nations children living in low-income families was higher in urban areas than in rural areas (54% compared to 27%). Of young First Nations children living in census metropolitan areas (urban areas with populations of 100,000 or more)⁹, 57% were living in low-income families compared with 21% of non-Aboriginal children. (table 1.4)

Higher percentages of First Nations children with registered Indian status were living in low-income families compared to those without registered Indian status. For example, in census metropolitan areas, 63% of First Nations children with registered Indian status were living in low-income families compared to 45% of First Nations children without registered Indian status. (table 1.4) (See text box: Registered Indian status)

The low-income before tax cut-off (LICO) is not applicable in the territories or on Indian reserves; however, other Census data reveal that in 2005, the median income¹⁰ for First Nations people living in the Yukon was $20,300 compared to a median income of $34,951 for the non-Aboriginal population. In the Northwest Territories, the median income for First Nations people was $17,558 compared to $49,219 for the non-Aboriginal population.

Feelings about home and daily life

On the Aboriginal Children's Survey (ACS), parents and guardians were asked to rate their feelings regarding certain aspects of their home and daily life. Among the categories of 'housing conditions', 'support network', 'main job or activity', 'free time', and 'finances', parents and guardians of young First Nations children were least satisfied with their 'finances' and 'housing conditions'. (chart 1.3)

Census data reveal that 18% of the First Nations children under six years old (off reserve) were living in homes requiring major repairs; this was more than twice as high as the percentage of non-Aboriginal children (8%). About 16% were living in crowded conditions, compared to 7% of the non-Aboriginal population. (Crowding is defined as more than 1 person per room.)

The parents or guardians of children who lived in low-income families reported lower levels of satisfaction with finances. About 38% of First Nations children living in low-income families had parents or guardians who reported that they were 'dissatisfied' or 'very dissatisfied' with their finances, compared to 19% of those who were not living in low-income families. The percentage of those living in low-income families who reported being 'dissatisfied' or 'very dissatisfied' with their housing situation was more than two times higher than those who were not living in low-income families (22% compared to 9%).

While the large percentage of First Nations children living off reserve in low-income economic families indicates that there are many challenges, in general, parents and guardians reported relatively high levels of satisfaction with the informal social supports available from family, friends and others. The vast majority (90%) reported that they were 'very satisfied' or 'satisfied' with their support network. There were no statistically significant differences in the levels of satisfaction with support networks between those in low-income families and those not living in low-income families.

Feelings about community

Research indicates that children's well-being is linked to neighbourhood 'quality' (Curtis et. al. 2004). On the ACS, parents and guardians of First Nations children were asked to rate their feelings about their community. About half of off-reserve First Nations children lived in a community rated as 'excellent' or 'very good' in terms of 'good schools, nursery schools and early childhood education programs' (53%), 'adequate facilities for children' (51%), as 'a safe community' (46%) and a place with 'health facilities' (45%).

In 2006, 17% of young First Nations children were living in a community rated as 'excellent' or 'very good' in terms of being a place with First Nations, Métis and Inuit cultural activities – half (50%) rated their community as 'fair' or 'poor' in terms of these cultural activities. (chart 1.4) Many young First Nations children living off reserve are growing up in communities where Aboriginal people represent a small minority among a diversity of cultures. In many of these communities, it is likely more difficult to maintain ties to traditional Aboriginal cultures than in communities where Aboriginal people represent the majority of the population (for example, in reserve communities).

Participation in traditional and cultural activities

According to the 2006 ACS, 46% of young First Nations children living off reserve had participated in or attended 'traditional First Nations, Métis, or Inuit activities such as singing, drum dancing, fiddling, gatherings or ceremonies'. Higher percentages of off-reserve First Nations children with registered Indian status had participated in these activities compared to those without registered Indian status (57% compared to 32%).

In 2006, 45% of First Nations children living off reserve under the age of six had taken part in hunting, fishing, trapping or camping. Children in rural areas were more likely to have taken part in these activities compared to children living in urban areas (58% compared to 41%). About 30% had also participated in 'seasonal activities such as gathering goose eggs or wild plants for example berries, sweet grass, roots or wild rice'; again these activities were more common in rural areas than urban areas (40% compared to 26%). (table 1.5)

Help with understanding First Nations culture and history

In 2006, 45% of off-reserve First Nations children had someone who helped them to understand First Nations history and culture. This figure was higher for off-reserve First Nations children with registered Indian status (54%) compared to those without registered Indian status (32%).

Of those who had someone involved in helping them understand their history or culture, 60% were being taught by their parents, 50% by grandparents, and 20% by aunts and uncles. About 14% of First Nations children living off reserve who had someone to help them understand their culture were learning from their teachers or child care providers. (table 1.6)

Child care arrangements

In 2006, 47% of First Nations children under six years old living off reserve were in some kind of child care arrangement. This is compared to 51% of all Canadian children (excluding those living on reserve and those living in the territories.)¹¹ In this report, child care arrangements refer to the care of a child by someone other than a parent, including daycare, nursery or preschool, Head Start, before or after school programs and care by a relative or other caregiver. These refer to regular arrangements that are used consistently, rather than sporadically (e.g. babysitting). Excluded from this analysis are children that are currently attending school.

These data refer to the main child care arrangement; that is the arrangement in which the child spends the most time. In 2006, about 18% of off-reserve First Nations children were in more than one type of child care arrangement.

Among young First Nations children living off reserve receiving child care, 42% were in a day care or child care centre. This was the most commonly reported child care arrangement. About 22% were being cared for by relatives, either within the child's home (11%) or outside the child's home (10%). About 15% were being cared for by a non-relative outside the child's home. (table 1.7)

Child care is used for a variety of reasons. In 2006, 64% of First Nations children were in child care arrangements because the parent or guardian was at work and 21% because the parent or guardian was at school. About 16% of parents or guardians of First Nations children indicated that they used child care arrangements to provide their children with developmental opportunities. (table 1.8)

Child care that promotes traditional and cultural values and customs

In 2006, 92% of First Nations children living off reserve receiving child care were in an arrangement that provided opportunities to participate in learning activities, such as songs, stories, or learning-based play. A further important aspect of quality of care for First Nations children is the provision of culturally appropriate learning environments (Ball 2002). Of those First Nations children currently receiving regular child care, about 24% were in child care arrangements that promoted First Nations, Métis or Inuit traditional and cultural values and customs, and 15% were in child care arrangements where Aboriginal languages were used.

Summary

The Aboriginal Children Survey (ACS) was designed to provide a picture of the early development of Aboriginal children and the social and living conditions in which they are learning and growing. This brief analysis of young off-reserve First Nations children revealed that many were living in urban areas, and in many cases, they were living in low-income economic families. The data also showed a diversity of living arrangements for First Nations children. Many were growing up with the involvement of extended family members. Further research using the ACS data could provide insight into the way that First Nations children are being nurtured in these families and communities, and how this may differ from other Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal families and communities.

About half of off-reserve First Nations children were living in communities rated as 'excellent' or 'very good' by their parents or guardians in terms of good schools, adequate facilities for children, health facilities, and safety. By comparison, 17% of off-reserve First Nations children were living in communities rated as 'excellent' or 'very good' as a place with Aboriginal cultural activities. Perhaps linked to this finding is the fact that less than half (45%) of First Nations children had someone to teach them about their history and culture, and that 24% who were receiving child care were in arrangements that promote traditional and cultural values and customs. Further research using the ACS data could help to build understanding of how culture is being transmitted inter-generationally to these young First Nations children, and how exposure to cultural and traditional values and practices affect developmental and behavioural outcomes.

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Notes:

1. All First Nations children living in the territories were included.
2. The target population of the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth comprises the non-institutionalized civilian population (aged 0 to 11 at the time of their selection) in Canada's 10 provinces, which, unlike the Aboriginal Children Survey, does not include children from the territories. The survey excludes children living on Indian reserves or Crown lands, residents of institutions, full-time members of the Canadian Armed Forces, and residents of some remote regions. Data regarding the 'person most knowledgeable' included in this report are from cycle 6 2004/2005.
3. Low income before tax cut-offs (LICOs) - Income levels at which families or persons not in economic families are expected to spend 20 percentage points more than average of their before tax income on food, shelter and clothing. Economic families in the Yukon Territory, Northwest Territories and Nunavut and on Indian reserves were excluded as the low income cut-offs are based on certain expenditure-income patterns which are not available from survey data for the entire population. An economic family refers to a group of two or more persons who live in the same dwelling and are related to each other by blood, marriage, common-law or adoption. A couple may be of opposite or same sex. For 2006, foster children are included.
4. Census Metropolitan Areas (CMA) are formed by one or more adjacent municipalities centered on a large urban area (known as the urban core). A CMA must have a total population of at least 100,000 of which 50,000 or more must live in the urban core.
5. Income here refers to total income from all sources including employment income, income from government sources, pension income, investment income and any other money income received during the calendar year 2005 by persons 15 years of age and over. Median income is calculated for individuals with income. Median amounts are the income level that divides the population into two halves, i.e. half of this population receives less than this amount and half more.
6. Source: National Longitudinal Study of Children and Youth, cycle 6, 2004/2005. The target population of the National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth comprises the non-institutionalized civilian population (aged 0 to 11 at the time of their selection) in Canada's 10 provinces. The survey excludes children living on Indian reserves or Crown lands, residents of institutions, full-time members of the Canadian Armed Forces, and residents of some remote regions.